[*     NOV  3  1911  *) 


DA  687    .W5  A3  v.3 
Robinson,  J.  Armitage  1858- 
1933. 

Gilbert  Crispin  Abbot  of 
Westminster, 

v.3 


Digitized  by 

the  Internet  Archive 

in  2014 

https://archive.org/details/gilbertcrispinabOOrobi 


The  earlier  numbers  of  this  Series  are  : 

1.   The  Manuscripts  of  Westminster  Abbey.    By  J. 

Armitage  Robinson,  D.D.,  Dean  of  Westminster,  and  M.  R.  James, 
Litt.D.,  Provost  of  King's  College,  Cambridge.  Royal  8vo.  pp.  viii  + 108. 
5s.  net. 


2.   The  History  of  Westminster  Abbey  by  John  Flete. 

Edited  by  J.  Armitage  Robinson,  D.D.,  Dean  of  Westminster.  Royal 
Svo.    pp.  viii+151.    5s.  net. 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS 

RELATING  TO 

WESTMINSTER  ABBEY 

No.  3 

ABBOT  GILBERT  CRISPIN 


CAMBRIDGE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
ILontion:   FETTER  LANE,  E.G. 
C.  F.  CLAY,  Manager 


CFljinbursl) :  loo,  PRINCES  STREET 
Btrlin:  A.  ASHER  AND  CO. 
ILcipjifl:   F.  A.  BROCKHAUS 
i^ftu  gork:  G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
ISombaH  ant  Calrufta:  MACMILLAN  AND  CO.,  Ltd. 


All  rig/ils  reserved 


*  NOV 


GILBERT  CRISPIN 
ABBOT  OF  WESTMINSTER 


A  STUDY  OF 
THE  ABBEY  UNDER  NORMAN  RULE 


BY 

J.  ARMITAGE  "^ROBINSON,  D.D. 

DEAN   OF  WESTMINSTER 


CAMBRIDGE: 
AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
191 1 


CambrtUge: 


PRINTED  BY  JOHN  CLAY,  M.A. 
AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS. 


COLLEGIS  •  AMICIS 
WESTMONASTERIENSIBVS 
AD  .  WELLENSES  •  SVOS  •  REVERSVRVS 
HOC  •  OPVSCVLVM 
DE  •  GISLEBERTO  •  ABBATE 
CVRIOSIVS  •  EXARATVM 
D  •  D 

ANTEGESSORIS  •  TANTI  •  LAVDATOR  •  INDIGNVS 
GRATO  •  ANIMO 


PREFACE 


ILBERT  CRISPIN  is  the  earliest  abbot  of  Westminster 
of  whom  we  have  any  considerable  knowledge  :  and  he 
is  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  line,  distinguished  alike  by  his 
noble  descent,  his  high  character,  the  fame  of  his  learning 
and  the  length  of  his  rule.  Yet,  though  his  effigy  has  been 
before  the  eyes  of  every  generation  that  has  trod  the  cloisters 
in  the  past  eight  centuries,  no  one  has  cared  to  gather 
together  what  may  be  known  of  his  life  and  times.  Even 
his  biography  of  Abbot  Herluin  has  never  been  edited  intact, 
though  historians  draw  from  it  all  they  know  of  the  early 
days  of  Bee,  which  gave  three  archbishops  to  Canterbury 
within  seventy  years.  This  neglect  seems  the  more  strange 
when  we  remember  that  he  was  a  favourite  pupil  of  both 
Lanfranc  and  Anselm,  some  of  whose  letters  to  him  still 
survive ;  and  that  his  judgment  as  a  theologian  could  be 
appealed  to  on  the  continent  more  than  a  generation  after 
his  death. 

He  was  a  true  monk  and  a  scholar,  with  no  desire  for 
fame  :  his  vocation  and  his  instincts  alike  made  him  shrink 
from  public  affairs.  His  Westminster  sons  remembered  him, 
as  the  Bee  monks  remembered  their  Anselm,  chiefly  for  his 
gentleness  ;  and  they  wrote  the  epithet  intfis  on  his  tomb 
before  they  praised  his  justice,  wisdom,  strength  and  learning. 


X  Preface 

It  has  been  a  pleasure  to  restore  the  memory  of  this 
blameless  man.  As  fragment  after  fragment  of  his  story  has 
revealed  itself,  his  character  has  always  remained  without 
a  stain.  Other  evidence  may  be  found  which  has  escaped 
my  search ;  but  there  are  few  men,  I  think,  of  whom  we  may 
more  safely  say, 

Whatever  record  leap  to  light 
He  never  shall  be  shamed. 

I  owe  special  thanks  to  Dr  Edward  Scott,  the  keeper  of 
the  abbey  muniments,  to  whose  wide  knowledge  and  unfailing 
helpfulness  I  have  had  constant  recourse ;  and  to  the 
Reverend  R.  B.  Rackham,  whose  work  I  can  often  hardly 
distinguish  from  my  own,  and  who  has  taken  on  himself  the 
labour  of  compiling  the  Index.  For  the  frontispiece  I  am 
indebted  to  my  friend  Mr  A.  G.  Walker,  the  sculptor,  who 
took  a  kindly  interest  in  Abbot  Gilbert's  time-worn  effigy. 


The  Deanery,  Westminster, 
Christmas,  1910. 


CONTENTS 


Frontispiece  To  face  Title 

PAGE 

Preface  ix 

I.  Gilbert's  Home  at  Bec  1 

II.  The  Noble  Family  of  the  Crispins  13 

III.  Gilbert  at  Westminster  19 

IV.  Details  of  Administration  28 

1.  Domestic  Rule 

2.  Foundation  of  Priories 

3.  Building 

4.  Exemption  and  Sanctuary 

5.  Knight  Service 

6.  Domestic  Economy 

V.  Abbot  Gilbert's  Literary  Remains  51 

1.    Life  of  Herluin 


2.  Disputation  of  a  Christian  and  a  Jew 

3.  De  Simoniacis 

4.  De  Spiritu  Sancto 
5 — 8.    Minor  Pieces 

9.    Disputation  of  a  Christian  with  a  Gentile 


VI.    Correspondence  77 


Vita  Domni  Herluini  Abbatis  Beccensis   87 

Liber  de  Simoniacis   Ill 

Selected  Charters   125 

Additional  Notes   158 


A.  On  the  Early  Charters  of  St  John's  Abbey,  Colchester 

B.  A  Charter  of  King  Ethelred 


GILBERT  CRISPIN. 


I.    Gilbert's  Home  at  Bec. 

When  the  Conqueror  came  to  be  crowned  at  Westminster  on 
Christmas  Day,  1066,  he  was  welcomed  by  Abbot  Edwin  whose  contact 
with  the  Normans  of  Edward's  court  had  prepared  him  for  the  new 
regime.  After  Edwin's  death  the  king  gave  the  abbey  to  one  Geoffrey 
from  Jumieges,  who  misruled  it  from  about  1071  to  1075,  when  at 
Lanfranc's  advice  he  was  sent  back  in  disgrace  to  his  old  monastery. 
The  next  abbot  was  chosen  with  more  care.  Vitalis,  abbot  of  Bernay, 
had  raised  his  abbey  '  from  little  to  great,'  as  William  says  in  writing 
to  demand  consent  to  his  appointment  from  his  superior,  John  the 
abbot  of  Fecamp.  Of  Vitalis  all  that  we  know  is  good.  He  secured 
by  the  king's  aid  the  estates  of  the  abbey,  some  of  which  had  been 
jeopardised  in  the  recent  changes;  he  seems  to  have  pressed  forward 
the  new  monastic  buildings ;  and  doubtless  he  enforced  the  improved 
discipline  which  the  great  reformer  William  of  Dijon  had  left  as  the 
heritage  of  Fecamp.  But  he  was  already  an  elderly  man,  and  he  died, 
as  it  would  seem,  in  the  summer  of  1085. 

If  Vitalis  had  come  to  Westminster  late  in  life,  towards  the  close 
of  an  energetic  and  successful  career,  the  next  abbot,  Gilbert  Crispin, 
was  in  the  full  strength  of  his  manhood  at  the  time  of  his  appointment, 
and  was  destined  to  rule  the  monastery  for  thirty-two  years.  He  must 
have  been  about  forty  when  he  became  abbot  of  Westminster.  He 
had  spent  some  twenty-five  years  in  the  abbey  of  Bec  where  he  was 
dedicated  as  a  child.  Lanfranc  and  Anselm  had  been  his  teachers : 
Anselm  had  set  him  to  teach  in  his  turn,  and  then  Lanfranc  had  called 
him  to  serve  as  his  chaplain  at  Canterbury.  To  understand  his  history 
we  must  read  the  story  of  the  foundation  of  Herluin's  abbey  at  Bec; 
and  we  are  fortunate  in  being  able  to  read  it  in  Gilbert's  own  words, 
for  he  himself  had  the  honour  of  being  Abbot  Herluin's  biographer. 
Indeed  it  is  to  him  that  we  oAve  almost  all  our  knowledge  of  this 
R.  c.  1 


2 


Gilbert  Crispin 


unique  and  exceptionally  important  foundation,  and  also  of  the  career 
of  Archbishop  Lanfranc  before  he  came  to  Canterbury.  The  close 
personal  friendship  between  our  abbot  and  Lanfranc's  saintly  successor 
is  a  further  reason  for  dwelling  on  Gilbert  Crispin's  early  monastic 
home. 

We  begin  then  with  the  story  of  Bee,  as  Gilbert  has  written  it  for 
us^  It  belongs  to  an  early  period  of  Norman  history,  when  the  fierce 
Northmen  were  first  emerging  out  of  barbarism.  They  had  unlearned 
their  native  language,  and  spoke  a  rude  form  of  French ;  but  they 
retained  much  of  their  primitive  ferocity,  and  had  not  yet  felt  the 
constraining  hand  of  the  great  duke  William,  who  was  first  to  discipline 
their  forces  and  then  to  lead  them  to  the  conquest  of  England.  The 
Church,  as  judged  by  the  reformers  of  the  next  generation,  was  in  a 
woefully  backward  condition.  'There  were  few  in  Normandy  then,' 
says  Gilbert,  '  to  point  the  right  road.  Priests  and  bishops  freely 
married  and  bore  arms  as  lay  folk,  one  and  all  still  living  after  the 
primitive  fashion  of  the  Danes.'  To  a  man  of  any  force  of  character 
two  careers  alone  seemed  open,  the  fierce  life  of  the  soldier  or  the 
austere  devotion  of  the  monk.  The  secular  clergy  counted  for  little: 
the  hope  of  religion  lay  in  the  monasteries,  and  these  in  spite  of  great 
efforts  of  reform  still  left,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  very  much  to  be 
desired. 

In  lower  Normandy  there  is  a  small  river  called  the  Risle,  which 
runs  northward  into  the  Seine:  about  four  miles  below  the  ancient 
town  of  Brionne  it  receives  a  tiny  tributary  which  still  bears  its  old 
Norse  name  of  'the  beck.'  This  streamlet  gave  its  name  to  a  new 
monastery  which  suddenly  became  world-famous.  For  it  revived  the 
study  of  letters  in  the  north  of  Europe,  furnished  bishops  and  abbots 
to  all  parts  of  Christendom,  and  within  a  century  of  its  foundation 
gave  three  archbishops  to  Canterbury — Lanfranc,  under  William  the 
Conqueror,  Anselm  under  his  sons  Rufus  and  Henry  I,  and  Theobald 
in  the  anarchical  days  of  king  Stephen. 

In  the  times  of  which  we  are  speaking  monasteries  were  founded 
by  princes  or  nobles,  who  called  on  well-known  abbots  to  provide 
colonies  of  monks  for  the  new  settlements  which  they  undertook  to 
build  and  endow.  But  Bee  was  an  exception  to  the  rule  and  had  a 
humbler  origin.  Herluin,  its  founder,  was  a  soldier  of  good  family,  in 
the  service  of  Gilbert,  count  of  Brionne.    In  the  height  of  his  fortune 

.  1  Vita  Herluini,  printed  below  from  the  Corpus  Christi  Camb.  ms  no.  318,  a  Rochester 
book  of  the  twelfth  century. 


Gilbert's  Home  at  Bee 


.3 


he  broke  off  a  distinguished  career  to  enrol  himself  in  the  militia  of 
God,  as  it  was  called,  and  to  embrace  the  poverty  of  Christ.  It  was 
with  difficulty  that  he  released  himself  from  his  service  at  Gilbert's 
court ;  but  the  crisis  came  when  he  was  ordered  one  day  to  carry  out 
a  command  which  was  against  his  conscience.  His  refusal  was  cruelly 
punished  by  the  burning  of  his  farms,  but  a  reconciliation  was  pre- 
sently effected,  and  he  was  allowed  to  go  his  own  way.  With  two 
friends  he  retired  to  a  part  of  his  small  property,  where  he  began  to 
build  a  little  church  with  his  own  hands.  He  was  thirty-eight  years 
of  age  and  had  never  learned  his  letters.  He  spent  the  days  in 
manual  labour,  and  the  nights  in  teaching  himself  to  read  the  psalter. 
Then  he  cast  about  to  discover  how  monks  should  live.  '  He  went,' 
says  Abbot  Gilbert,  '  to  a  certain  monastery  to  enquire  into  the  life  of 
monks.  Having  offered  up  a  prayer  he  approached  with  all  reverence 
and  much  fear,  coming  to  the  door  of  the  cloister  as  though  it  were  the 
gate  of  Paradise,  eager  to  learn  how  monks  behaved  and  what  were  the 
holy  habits  of  the  cloistered  life.  He  found  them  falling  far  short  of 
what  the  monastic  rule  required :  he  was  much  perturbed,  and  fell  in 
doubt  what  course  of  life  he  should  adopt.  Then  the  warden  of  the 
monastery,  espying  his  entrance  and  taking  him  for  a  thief,  caught 
him  roughly  by  the  neck  and  dragged  him  out  by  the  hair  of  his 
head.'  The  high-spirited  soldier  took  the  rebuflf  with  patient  silence, 
and  went  his  way  home.  On  the  next  Christmas  Day  he  ventured  on 
a  fresh  attempt,  choosing  a  monastery  of  higher  reputation.  But 
during  the  solemn  procession  he  was  disgusted  to  see  the  brethren  as 
they  passed  along  greeting  the  lay  folk  with  silly  smiles,  and  shewing 
off  their  festival  attire.  Then  as  they  reached  the  entrance  of  the 
church,  they  scrambled  each  to  get  in  first,  and  one  monk  smote  a 
too  insistent  brother  with  his  fist  and  laid  him  on  the  ground.  '  So 
barbarous,'  says  Gilbert,  '  were  men's  manners  all  through  Normandy.' 

Once  more  Herluin  was  in  despair ;  but  late  that  night  he  prayed 
in  a  comer  of  the  church  alone,  after  the  night  office  had  been  sung. 
Presently  a  monk,  who  also  thought  that  he  was  alone,  stood  near  him 
in  prayer,  then  threw  himself  flat  on  the  ground,  and  thus  continued 
praying  with  tears  and  sobs  until  the  morning  dawned.  It  is  a  fine 
example  of  the  power  of  unconscious  influence.  That  monk's  prayer 
may  even  be  said  to  have  changed  the  course  of  history.  Abbot  Gilbert 
wisely  counts  it  a  true  miracle.  The  enemy  of  souls  was  baffled,  and 
Herluin  returned  assured  that  God  had  a  purpose  for  his  life.  He 
finished  his  church,  and  got  the  bishop  of  Lisieux  to  consecrate  it,  and 

1—2 


4 


Gilbert  Crispin 


to  clothe  him  as  a  monk.  Presently  the  bishop  ordained  him  to  the 
priesthood,  and  put  him  in  charge  of  his  modest  abbey. 

But  the  site  Herluin  had  chosen  was  waterless  and  unproductive ; 
and  after  five  or  six  years,  when  he  had  gained  a  few  recruits,  he  was 
forced  to  come  down  to  the  side  of  the  beck,  and  to  build  again  in  the 
meadow  where  it  joins  the  main  stream  of  the  Risle.  Here  in  1040 
his  new  church  was  consecrated,  and  two  years  later  God  sent  him  a 
man  who  was  to  raise  his  humble  monastery  out  of  obscurity  and  make 
the  Bee  a  name  in  history.  This  was  Lanfranc  the  Lombard  from 
Pavia,  a  famous  teacher  who  had  crossed  the  Alps  a  few  years  before 
to  visit  the  schools  of  France,  and  presently  had  brought  his  learning 
to  the  powerful  but  unlettered  Normans.  He  had  gained  a  host  of 
pupils,  but  a  scholar's  fame  could  not  satisfy  him ;  he  yearned  for  the 
love  of  God.  Caught  like  many  another  by  the  fascinating  words,  '  If 
any  man  will  come  after  me,  let  him  deny  himself,  and  take  up  his 
cross  and  follow  me,'  he  sought  for  the  humblest  monastery,  where  he 
should  be  lost  to  the  world  of  letters  and  be  permitted  to  serve  God 
in  silence :  and  he  found  what  he  sought  in  Bec^.  '  There  was  none,' 
says  Abbot  Gilbert,  '  poorer  or  more  despised :  and  it  chanced  that  on 
his  arrival  the  abbot  was  engaged  in  building  an  oven  with  his  own 
hands.  His  humility  of  mind  and  dignity  of  speech  won  Lanfranc's 
veneration  and  love;  and  there  he  became  a  monk.'  We  may  see 
to-day,  a  few  hundred  yards  from  the  very  spot,  just  such  an  oven  as 
Herluin  was  building,  a  semi-circular  structure  of  flints  below  and 
yellow  clay  above,  set  against  the  wall  of  a  little  shanty  thatched  with 
straw  ;  and  we  may  easily  picture  the  quaint  scene  of  the  simple  abbot, 
standing  with  grimy  hands,  half-hidden  by  his  unfinished  building, 
while  he  grants  the  request  of  the  most  learned  man  in  Europe  that 
he  may  become  a  member  of  his  little  community. 

For  about  three  years  Lanfranc  was  a  monk  at  Bee  before  the  world 
found  what  had  become  of  him.  But  then  the  place  was  invaded,  and 
Lanfranc  was  soon  lecturing  again,  mainly  now  on  sacred  themes,  to 
the  youths  of  noble  families,  and  even  to  schoolmasters  from  all  parts 
of  Christendom.  The  modest  abbot  Herluin  was  suddenly  famous, 
and  the  name  of  Bee  was  everywhere  on  the  tongues  of  men. 

Anselm  of  Aosta  was  one  of  those  who  were  drawn  into  this  magic 
circled    He  was  of  a  noble  family,  said  even  to  be  of  royal  descent; 

*  Gilbert  does  not  give  the  story  of  Lanfranc's  capture  by  robbers. 

*  For  what  follows,  see  Eadmer's  Life  of  Anselm.  Gilbert  wrote  in  Anselm's  lifetime, 
and  hardly  mentions  him  at  all ;  see  below,  pp.  103,  108. 


Gilbert's  Home  at  Bee 


5 


bom  in  1034,  the  year  in  which  Herluin's  monastic  settlement  began ; 
a  native  of  Aosta,  a  little  town  in  a  valley  south  of  the  Alps  where 
the  provinces  of  Burgundy  and  Lombardy  met.  He  was  a  gentle, 
imaginative  boy,  who  had  been  dedicated  by  his  parents  in  his  child- 
hood to  the  service  of  God.  And  he  dreamed  one  night  that  he 
climbed  the  mountain  side  above  his  home  and  reached  the  heaven 
which  was  so  near  to  his  early  boyhood,  and  sat  at  the  feet  of  the 
Lord,  and  ate  the  whitest  bread  in  the  royal  presence.  He  received 
a  good  education,  and  wished  to  become  a  monk;  but  in  this  desire 
he  was  thwarted  again  and  again.  At  length,  when  his  pious  mother 
died,  he  started  for  the  north  with  a  few  attendants,  crossed  Mt  Cenis, 
nearly  losing  his  life  in  the  snow ;  and  then  after  various  wanderings 
found  himself,  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  in  Lanfranc's  lecture-room  at 
Bee.  For  about  two  yeai-s  he  devoted  himself  to  study,  living  outside 
the  monastery  in  such  rude  lodgings  as  Lanfranc's  external  students 
were  able  to  procure.  It  was  a  hard  life,  and  his  delicate  frame 
suffered  much  fi:om  hunger  and  cold.  He  had  some  thoughts  of  return- 
ing to  Aosta,  where  his  father  had  recently  died,  to  live  on  his  own 
estate  and  serve  the  poor.  Yet  he  could  not  abandon  his  old  desire 
to  be  a  monk.  But  if  this  were  his  vocation,  where  was  he  to  fulfil  it  ? 
The  austerity  of  Cluny  attracted  him,  but  he  dared  not  hope  that  his 
feeble  health  would  stand  its  rigours.  Why  should  he  not  enter  the 
monastery  at  Bee  ?  His  life  would  not  there  be  harder  than  it  was 
already  outside.  In  later  years  he  made  the  fi-ank  confession  to  a 
friend  that  he  had  then  so  little  of  a  monk's  humility  that  he  was 
unwilling  to  settle  where  the  ability  of  which  he  was  conscious  would 
be  permanently  overshadowed  by  the  greatness  of  Lanfranc,  and  that 
he  desired  to  find  some  place  where  he  too  should  be  a  famous  teacher. 
Presently,  however,  his  hesitation  came  to  an  end,  and  in  1060  he 
became  a  monk  of  Bee.  Three  years  afterwards  the  career  which  he 
had  denied  to  his  ambition  was  unexpectedly  opened  to  him  by  the 
hand  of  providence.  For  in  1063  Lanfranc  was  appointed  to  preside 
over  William's  new  monastery  of  St  Stephen  at  Caen,  and  Lanfranc's 
oflfice  as  prior  of  Bee  was  given  to  Anselm. 

The  abbey  of  Bee  at  this  moment  was  literally  in  a  state  of  tran- 
sition. The  number  of  monks  had  grown  so  large  that  their  buildings 
were  totally  inadequate.  Moreover,  Herluin's  second  site  was  humid 
and  unhealthy,  and  suffered  from  frequent  inundations.  Lanfi-anc  had 
accordingly  urged  him  to  build  afresh  on  a  larger  scale  higher  up  the 
Bee.    The  old  abbot  refused,  dreading  the  difficulties  of  another 


6 


Gilbert  Crispin 


removal ;  but  the  choir  of  his  church  collapsed,  and  at  this  sign  from 
heaven  he  yielded.  Lanfranc's  energy  planned  the  undertaking  and 
found  the  means  of  its  accomplishment ;  for,  though  no  charge  was  made 
for  his  teaching,  gifts  were  accepted  from  his  pupils,  many  of  whom 
belonged  to  noble  families.  Thus  large  sums  were  provided  for  the 
new  building.  But  Lanfranc's  departure  for  Caen  was  a  crushing 
blow.  He  did  what  he  could  for  Bee,  while  his  own  vast  church 
was  rising  at  Caen ;  but  it  was  ten  years  before  the  monks  could 
enter  their  new  buildings,  and  the  church  was  not  consecrated  until 
1077. 

Anselm  was  now  the  abbot's  right  hand,  and  besides  his  home 
duties  as  prior  he  had  to  do  most  of  the  abbot's  work  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  estates,  and  in  addition  to  take  over  the  responsibility  of 
the  school.  He  was  not  a  Lanfranc.  He  had  neither  the  same 
physique  nor  the  same  capacity  for  public  affairs.  He  disliked  what- 
ever took  him  away  from  home ;  and  home  life  was  so  crowded  that  he 
had  no  time  for  his  own  studies  and  none  of  the  leisured  calm  which 
is  necessary  for  speculative  thought. 

A  monk's  life  at  Bee  was  not  easy  or  idle.  In  some  of  the  older 
and  wealthier  houses  it  may  have  been;  for  the  rule  was  sometimes 
ill -kept,  and  bad  customs  had  relaxed  salutary  discipline.  But  Bee 
in  its  thirty  years  had  run  rapidly  through  the  stages  of  monastic 
development,  always  keeping  at  the  highest  level.  It  began  with 
extreme  poverty  and  hardship,  the  day  divided  between  prayers  in 
church  and  work  in  the  fields,  the  abbot  sleeping  in  the  dormitory 
with  his  monks,  rising  with  them  at  two  in  the  morning  for  the  night 
services,  and  then  after  a  brief  repose  sharing  with  them  the  full 
labours  of  their  day.  After  ten  years  or  more  a  new  element  was 
introduced  when  schools  were  opened  under  Lanfranc;  and  Herluin 
himself,  though  no  scholar,  urged  learning  with  all  his  might  on  the 
younger  men.  By  this  time  a  more  elaborate  code  had  become 
necessary  to  supplement  the  general  outline  of  St  Benedict's  Rule, 
and  the  Customs  of  Bee  were  developed,  doubtless  by  Lanfranc  and 
Anselm  together,  on  the  basis  of  such  regulations  as  were  in  force 
at  Cluny  and  in  other  houses  of  high  fame.  Though  the  early  books 
of  Bee  perished  at  the  French  Revolution,  we  happily  possess  Lan- 
franc's statutes  which  he  drew  up  for  the  monks  of  Christ  Church, 
Canterbury,  and  which  found  their  way  into  many  of  the  English 
monasteries  under  the  name  of  the  Customs  of  Bee.  There  we  can 
read  how  full  and  strenuous  the  life  was,  and  how  great  was  the 


Gilbert's  Home  at  Bee 


7 


responsibility  of  the  position  which  the  young  prior  Anselm  had 
suddenly  been  called  to  occupy^. 

Under  the  strain  of  his  new  tasks  Anselm  was  beginning  to  break 
down.  This  was  not  the  life  which  he  had  looked  for  when  he  became 
a  monk.  He  would  fain  flee  to  some  solitary  hermitage.  To  Maurilius, 
the  saintly  archbishop  of  Rouen,  at  whose  advice  he  had  decided  to 
enter  Bee,  he  now  went  in  his  distress.  The  old  archbishop  was  plain 
with  him :  '  Do  not  give  up  the  service  of  others,'  he  said,  '  to  think 
only  of  yourself.  I  have  known  instances  in  which  that  has  proved 
the  ruin  of  a  man's  own  soul.  To  save  you  from  that,  I  command  you 
in  the  name  of  holy  obedience  not  to  quit  your  post  except  at  your 
abbot's  orders;  and,  if  you  are  called  to  a  higher  place  still,  not  to 
refuse ;  for  I  know  that  such  a  call  will  come  to  you  ere  long.'  So  back 
he  went,  and  for  fifteen  years  he  was  prior,  and  then  for  fifteen  more 
he  was  abbot  of  Bec^. 

Amongst  the  boys  whom  Anselm  found  when  he  first  entered  the 
monastery  was  a  youth  of  about  fifteen.  His  father,  William  Crispin, 
was  a  soldier  of  distinction  belonging  to  one  of  the  great  Norman 
families,  and  holding  a  castle  on  the  border  between  Normandy  and 
France.  William  Crispin  was  devoted  to  Abbot  Herluin,  and  he  and 
his  wife  Eva  had  dedicated  their  son  Gilbert  to  the  service  of  God  at 
Bee.  The  boy's  name  stands  on  the  roll  of  monks  nine  places  before 
that  of  Anselm,  who  only  entered  the  monastic  life  in  his  twenty- 
seventh  year.  After  the  death  of  William  Crispin  the  lady  Eva  came 
to  live  at  Bee.  She  devoted  herself  to  the  religious  life,  and  regarded 
the  monks  as  her  sons,  bestowing  all  she  had  upon  their  church. 
Anselm,  in  one  of  his  letters,  tenderly  speaks  of  her  as  his  mother, 
and  calls  himself  her  eldest  son^.  We  shall  presently  see  with  what 
intense  affection  he  regarded  his  younger  brother  Gilbert. 

When  William  had  secured  the  throne  of  England,  and  began  to 
set  the  Church  in  order,  he  wisely  summoned  Lanfranc  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury.  It  was  with  no  readiness  of  will  that  Lanfranc  left  his 
abbey  at  Caen.  He  had  quite  lately  refused  the  archbishopric  of 
Rouen.  He  knew  no  English,  and  was  loth  to  undertake  the  responsi- 
bility of  a  Church  which  seemed  to  him  half  barbarous.  William, 

1  Lanfranc's  statutes  are  printed  in  Eeyner's  Apostolatus  Benedictiiwrum  and  in 
Wilkins'  Concilia.  For  their  manuscript  tradition  see  Journ.  of  Theol.  Studies  (April, 
1909).  Large  portions  of  their  wording  are  embedded  in  the  Westminster  Customary  of 
Abbot  Ware. 

2  Eadmer  (Rolls  S.),  p.  327. 
2  Anselm,  Epp.  ii  9. 


8 


Gilbert  Crisjnn 


however,  insisted ;  and  in  1070  Lanfranc  was  consecrated  as  archbishop, 
and  became  the  king's  chief  counsellor  in  Church  and  State.  It  was 
well  for  us  that  he  came ;  but  his  unwelcome  task  weighed  so  heavily 
upon  him  that  three  years  later  he  wrote  to  Pope  Alexander  II,  at 
whose  express  bidding  he  had  undertaken  it,  begging  for  release.  He 
said  that  distractions,  troubles  and  losses,  the  obstinacy,  greed  and 
immorality  of  those  with  whom  he  had  to  do,  had  made  him  tired  of 
life  itself.  He  yearned  for  the  quiet  of  the  cloister,  and  he  pleaded  his 
usefulness  as  a  teacher.  He  was  doing  no  good  to  souls,  he  said,  where  he 
was,  or  very  little  if  any  at  all.  While  William  lived  there  would  be 
some  sort  of  peace,  but  after  his  death  no  peace  or  any  good  could  be 
expected^.  And  yet  this  was  the  man  who,  in  spite  of  his  want  of 
sympathy  with  English  church  life,  did  more  than  any  other  man  in 
the  next  sixteen  years  to  weld  together,  by  his  wisdom  and  his  justice, 
the  conquering  and  conquered  peoples,  and  to  lay  the  foundation  in 
the  Church,  as  William  did  in  the  State,  of  a  new  and  united  England. 
In  this  mission  of  reconciliation  he  was  to  be  followed  by  Anselm,  who, 
like  himself,  came  from  the  Italian  side  of  the  Alps,  and,  as  being 
neither  Norman  nor  English,  exercised  a  strange  power  over  both 
races, 

Lanfranc  was  visited  at  Canterbury  by  the  aged  Herluin,  to  whom 
he  insisted  on  shewing  the  humble  respect  due  from  a  monk  to  his 
abbot.  'The  more  crowded  his  court,'  says  Gilbert,  'and  the  more 
excellent  the  dignity  of  those  who  waited  on  him,  so  much  the  more 
humble  service  did  Lanfranc  render  to  Abbot  Herluin,  so  that  all 
marvelled,  and  the  English  more  especially,  that  an  archbishop  of 
Canterbury  should  so  submit  himself  to  any  mortal  man.'  A  few  years 
later  Lanfranc  revisited  Bee  in  order  to  consecrate  the  church  which 
many  years  before  he  had  persuaded  Herluin  to  build.  This  was  in 
1077,  and  the  next  year  the  abbot  passed  away  at  the  age  of  eighty- 
three,  and  Anselm  was  made  abbot  in  his  place. 

For  fifteen  years  Anselm  had  been  prior  of  Bee,  and  during  that 
time  he  had  lost  some  of  his  dearest  and  best  companions  and  pupils, 
who  had  been  drafted  off  by  Lanfranc,  first  to  Caen,  and  then  to 
England.  Gundulf  had  gone  to  Caen  to  be  Lanfranc's  prior,  and  after- 
wards to  Rochester,  where  he  succeeded  another  Bee  monk  as  bishop. 
Henry  became  prior  of  Canterbury,  and  then  abbot  of  Battle :  Baldwin 
and  Maurice  became  monks  at  Canterbury.  Lanfranc  could  never  be 
refused;  and  at  last  he  sent  for  Gilbert  Crispin,  whom  Anselm  dearly 

1  Lanfranc,  Ejj.  1. 


Gilbert's  Home  at  Bee 


9 


loved,  and  probably  regarded  as  the  most  likely  man  to  carry  on  his 
work  in  the  future  at  Bee. 

Our  first  glimpse  of  Gilbert  comes  at  an  earlier  date,  in  a  letter 
which  Lanfranc  addressed  to  him  about  the  year  1074,  commending 
his  nephew  and  namesake,  whom  he  had  brought  from  Italy  and  placed 
under  Anselm's  charge  at  Bec^.  This  younger  Lanfranc  was  wilful, 
and  destined  to  give  Anselm  much  pain.  The  archbishop  is  anxious 
about  him,  and  urges  Gilbert,  who  is  to  be  his  teacher,  to  shew  him  a 
brother's  love,  and  the  more  so  because  the  Lady  Eva,  Gilbert's  mother, 
has  been  good  enough  to  call  him  her  son.  Lanfranc  also  sends  Gilbert 
a  cross,  which  he  may  set  on  the  altar  when  he  celebrates  the  holy 
eucharist,  to  be  a  sign  and  token  between  the  two  young  men^. 

About  six  years  after  this,  when  Gilbert  was  some  thirty-four  years  of 
age,  Lanfranc  sent  for  him  to  help  him  at  Canterbury,  and  Anselm's  cor- 
respondence reveals  the  pain  that  this  new  loss  inflicted.  '  With  regard 
to  Dom  Gilbert,'  he  writes, '  I  have  obeyed  your  command  that  I  should 
send  him  to  you :  but  be  assured  that  if  anyone  should  cause  him  to 
remain  in  England  he  will  inflict  a  graver  loss  on  the  church  of  Bee 
in  the  present  and  for  the  future,  in  its  intei^nal  and  external  interests 
alike,  than  can  easily  be  put  into  words.  So  I  pray  and  beseech  you, 
as  earnestly  as  is  consistent  with  what  is  right  and  respectful  to 
yourself,  pleading  the  kindness  and  love  which  I  know  you  have  for 
me,  that  if  without  going  against  God's  will  you  see  it  to  be  at  all 
possible,  you  will  do  your  very  utmost  to  secure  his  return^' 

Later  he  writes  to  Gilbert  himself,  who  has  sent  him  some  presents 
from  Canterbury :  '  Sweet  are  the  gifts,  sweet  friend,  which  your  sweet 
love  sends ;  but  they  are  utterly  powerless  to  console  my  heart,  which 
is  desolated  by  your  absence.  No,  not  if  you  sent  me  all  the  most 
fragrant  spices,  the  most  glittering  metals,  the  most  precious  stones, 
the  most  delicate  embroidery,  could  my  soul  consent  to  be  comforted, 
for  it  is  quite  beyond  its  power,  unless  its  other  half  which  has  been 
torn  away  be  given  back  to  it  again.  My  heart's  pain  bears  me  witness 
as  I  think  of  this ;  so  do  the  tears  which  cloud  my  eyes  and  wet  my 
fingers  as  I  write.  You  knew  indeed,  as  I  knew,  my  love  for  you  ;  nay, 
I  knew  it  not  myself.    He  who  has  torn  us  apart  has  taught  me  how 

1  Cf.  Lanfranc,  Ep.  43,  to  Anselm  while  still  prior  of  Bee. 

2  Lanfranc,  Ep.  45.  This  letter  is  addressed  to  'G.,'  which  D'Achery,  though  not 
without  hesitation,  expands  as  'Gundulfo.'  But  Gundulf  had  left  Bee  with  Lanfranc: 
moreover  the  'G.'  here  addressed  came  to  Bee  as  a  boy  and  is  still  'in  juventute' ;  and 
the  reference  to  his  mother  makes  it  certain  that  Gilbert  Crispin  is  intended. 

^  Anselm,  Epp.  ii  13. 


10 


Gilbert  Crispin 


much  I  loved  you.  No  one  has  real  knowledge  of  good  or  evil  who 
does  not  experience  both.  Without  experience  of  your  absence  I  did 
not  know  how  sweet  it  was  to  me  to  be  with  you,  how  bitter  to  be 
without  you.  To  you  our  very  separation  has  given  the  presence  of 
another,  whom  you  love  not  less,  yea  more,  than  me ;  but  I  have  lost 
you — you,  I  say;  and  none  has  been  given  me  in  your  place^.' 

So  the  letter  runs  on  to  its  close,  revealing  the  pain  and  suffering 
which  is  so  near  to  the  purest  love.  And  that  this  was  no  mere  selfish 
affection  is  shewn  by  the  letter  Anselm  writes  a  few  years  afterwards, 
when  the  separation  was  made  permanent  by  Gilbert's  appointment  to 
the  abbey  of  Westminster. 

'  To  Gilbert,  once  by  God's  providence  his  dearest  son,  now  by  God's 
grace  his  fellow  abbot,  brother  Anselm  wishes  a  long,  holy  and  prosperous 
life  here,  and  everlasting  happiness  hereafter.  Though  sickness  has 
made  me  behindhand  in  writing  to  my  loved  and  loving  friend  about 
the  new  grace  granted  him  by  God,  yet  it  is  with  no  lukewarmness, 
but  with  the  heartiest  goodwill,  that  I  say  "  Glory  to  God  in  the 
highest,"  who  has  revealed  His  purpose  for  you  which  hitherto  He 
has  kept  dark,  although  indeed  I  always  believed  that  good  things, 
as  men  count  them,  were  in  store  for  you.  For  in  that  same  life  of 
devotion  in  which  He  has  preserved  you,  training  you  in  wisdom  and 
nurturing  you  in  holiness.  He  has  now  made  you  a  father  and  a  teacher 
and  a  shepherd  of  souls.'  Then,  with  a  charming  modesty  and  self- 
distrust,  he  goes  on  to  say:  'Far  better  things  may  be  hoped  of  you 
and  the  like  of  you,  whose  life  has  been  nurtured  in  holy  surroundings, 
than  of  me  and  the  like  of  me,  whose  life  was  at  one  time  wasted 
in  the  world.  For  of  you  it  is  to  be  hoped  that,  in  training  others  to 
be  like  yourself,  your  own  holiness  will  be  perfected ;  whereas  it  is  to 
be  feared,  when  we  are  loaded  with  such  a  burden,  that  our  unholiness 
by  God's  inscrutable  judgment  will  be  increased.  The  better  our  hope, 
then,  in  your  accession  to  office,  the  greater  and  surer  our  rejoicing  in 
the  grace  that  is  granted  to  you.  May  God  Almighty,  who  has  made 
you  the  keeper  of  others,  so  help  and  keep  you  that  He  may  reward, 
your  holiness  and  theirs  with  His  eternal  blessing^.' 

A  later  letter  manifests  the  same  affection,  and  gives  a  playful 
account  of  an  attack  of  fever  which  Anselm  had  just  shaken  off. 

'  Brother  Anselm  to  abbot  Gilbert,  a  servant  to  his  lord,  a  friend  to 
his  friend,  a  lover  to  his  lover — wishing  him  unending  joy.    If  health 

1  Anselm,  Epp.  i  75 ;  written  when  Gilbert  was  with  Lanfranc,  c.  1080. 
*  Anselm,  Epp.  ii  16 ;  written  soon  after  Gilbert's  appointment  in  1085. 


Gilbert's  Home  at  Bee 


11 


and  welfare  and  prosperity  be  the  lot  of  my  lord  abbot  Gilbert,  who 
loves  me  and  whom  I  love,  then  indeed  my  heart  rejoices,  for  my 
longing  is  fulfilled.  If  the  kind  benefactions  which  you  bestow  on  us 
were  bestowed  by  a  stranger  upon  strangers,  we  should  make  a  great 
display  of  gratitude  lest  the  supply  should  run  short.  But  seeing  that 
they  come  from  him  of  whom  we  never  could  have  a  doubt,  we  are 
content  to  hide  our  chief  thanks,  though  ever  ready  to  express  them, 
in  the  strong-room  of  our  heart.  I  know  your  love  will  want  to  know 
how  I  am  doing.  By  God's  protecting  mercy,  within  my  usual  limits 
and  considering  these  changeful  times,  all  would  have  been  well  and 
prosperous,  but  that  when  I  was  in  France,  somewhat  burdened  by 
various  tasks,  a  slight  fever  suddenly  attacked  me,  frightening  me 
more  than  it  hurt  me.  But  when  it  saw  that  my  mind  was  firmly 
made  up  to  send  round  to  all  my  friends  for  the  help  of  their  prayers, 
after  a  second  attack  it  fled  just  as  frightened  as  I  was.  For  some 
time  since  I  have  suffered  from  a  distaste  of  food,  and  a  difficulty  in 
sleeping,  and  a  general  weakness  in  my  limbs.  I  greet  with  all  possible 
devotion,  my  lords  and  brothers,  your  most  dear  sons  [the  monks  of 
Westminster],  in  whose  kindness  which  takes  so  practical  a  form  I 
rejoice  as  often  as  I  think  of  it.' 

The  letter  goes  on  to  plead  that  Gilbert  will  shew  indulgence  to 
his  servant  Richard,  who  by  his  orders  had  followed  him  to  England, 
and  had  evidently  got  into  some  trouble,  but  was  penitent  and  should 
be  restored  to  favour^. 

The  scattered  notices  preserved  in  charters  or  chronicles,  from 
which  for  the  most  part  the  lives  of  our  abbots  have  to  be  compiled, 
give  us  no  insight  at  all  into  the  spiritual  side  of  their  character  or 
the  success  with  which  they  achieved  for  themselves  and  for  others  the 
lofty  aims  of  a  true  monasticism.  Gilbert  Crispin  offers  a  happy  ex- 
ception to  the  rule.  We  know  at  least  what  his  own  training  was  like, 
and  how  truly  devotional  was  the  atmosphere  in  which  his  youth  and 
early  manhood  were  spent.  The  devout  Herluin,  the  wise  Lanft-anc 
and  the  gentle  Anselm^ — each  had  left  his  mark  on  the  young  monk, 
and  helped  to  prepare  him  for  the  difficult  task  of  maintaining  the 
noble  ideals  of  Bee  in  the  wholly  dissimilar  surroundings  of  royal 

1  Anselm,  Epp.  ii  47.  A  similar  account  of  his  fever  is  written  to  Abbot  Gilbert  of 
St  Stephen's  at  Caen:  from  this  we  learn  that  Anselm  was  returning  from  Caen  and  hoping 
to  reach  Bee  before  the  feast  of  St  Benedict  (that  is,  probably,  11  July,  the  Translation), 
but  was  delayed  by  business  in  France  (ii  44). 

-  See  below,  p.  26. 


12 


Gilbert  Crispiti 


Westminster.  The  curtain  of  which  a  corner  has  been  lifted  soon 
falls  again,  and  though  his  other  writings  give  us  an  occasional 
glimpse  of  Abbot  Gilbert's  character  and  methods  and  reflect  the 
spirit  of  his  old  home,  we  have  little  else  to  assure  us  that  St 
Anselm's  high  hopes  of  his  beloved  pupil  were  not  unrealised.  We 
have  to  content  ourselves  with  piecing  together  isolated  facts  and 
jejune  references.  But  it  is  something  to  have  caught  sight  of  the 
real  man,  and  to  have  learned  what  at  any  rate  he  must  have  wished 
Westminster  to  be. 


II.   The  Noble  Family  of  the  Crispins. 


In  writing  on  one  occasion  from  Bee  to  his  uncles  at  Aosta,  Anselm 
mentions  that  the  bearer  of  his  letter  is  a  son  of  William  Crispin. 
This  was  a  brother  of  the  future  abbot  of  Westminster,  and  it  is 
interesting  to  note  the  terras  in  which  Anselm  refers  to  him  and  his 
family.  'He  is  rich,  and  of  the  first  nobility  of  Normandy:  yet  his 
mother  and  brothers  are  so  intimate  with  me,  that  his  mother  calls  me 
her  son,  and  her  children  call  me  their  brother — only  they  say,  elder 
brother \' 

In  tracing  the  history  of  this  family,  more  than  one  of  whom  found 
a  home  in  England,  we  are  fortunate  in  possessing  a  curious  document 
entitled,  'The  Miracle  whereby  Blessed  Mary  succoured  William  Crispin 
senior :  wherein  is  an  account  of  the  noble  family  of  the  Crispins.'  It 
is  printed  by  Luc  d'Achery  in  his  appendix  to  Lanfranc's  works :  it 
comes  immediately  after  Milo  Crispin's  Lives  of  the  Abbots  of  Bee,  and 
is  probably  written  by  Milo  Crispin  himself,  of  whom  we  shall  speak 
lower  down^ 

The  first  of  the  name,  says  the  writer,  was  Gilbert,  called  Crispin 
from  the  fashion  of  his  hair,  which  stood  on  end — a  feature  which  he 
transmitted  to  his  descendants,  who  are  still  distinguished  from  other 
Norman  families  both  by  this  peculiarity  and  by  the  surname  to  which 
it  gave  rise^  The  Crispini,  he  assures  us,  were  as  famous  among 
the  Normans  as  were  the  Fabii  and  the  Manlii  among  the  Romans. 
With  the  aid  of  his  rambling  narrative  we  may  at  once  construct  a 

>  Anselm,  Epp.  i  18. 

2  Lanfranci  Opera,  App.  p.  52  :  '  Miraculum  quo,'  &c. 
'Antequam  Normanni  duce  Willelmo  Angliam  debellarent,  fuit  in  Neustria  (quae 
nunc  Normannia  vocatur)  vir  egregius  nomine  Gislebertus,  genere  et  nobilitate  praeclarus, 
qui  ab  habitudine  capillorum  primus  Crispini  cognomine  dicitur  insignitus  :  nam  in  sua 
primaeva  aetata  habebat  capillos  crispos  et  rigidos  atque  sursum  erectos,  et  (ut  ita  dicam) 
rebursos  ad  modum  pini  ramorum,  qui  semper  tendunt  sursum  ;  quare  cognominatus  est 
Crispinus,  quasi  crispus  pinus :  quam  capillorum  rebursionem  adhuc  videmus  in  iis  qui  de 
ipsius  Gisleberti  genere  descendunt,  unde  et  ipsi  eodem  cognomine  a  caeteris  Normannorum 
familiis  dirimuntur. ' 


14  Gilbert  Crispiii 

genealogical  table,  and  afterwards  we  may  comment  on  individual 
names. 

Gilbert  Crispin  I  m.  Gunnor 


Gilbert  Cr.  II  William  Cr.  I  m.  Eva       Kobert  Emma 


Gilbert  Cr.  Ill     William  Cr.  II  m.  Agnes       Gilbert  Cr.  (others)     Pierre  de 
I  (abbot)  Conde 

William  Cr.  UI 

1.  Gilbert  Crispin  I  married  Gunnor,  the  sister  of  Fulc  d'Alnou. 
This  is  of  interest  as  shewing  the  connexion  of  the  Crispins  with  several 
Norman  families  of  note.  For  Fulc's  father  was  Baldric,  who  had  come 
from  Germany  to  serve  under  Duke  Richard ;  and  his  mother  was  a 
niece  of  Gilbert  count  of  Brionne,  the  over-lord  of  Herluin  abbot  of  Bee. 
Among  Fulc's  brothers  were  Robert  de  Courcy  and  Baldric  de  Bocquence 
(Ord.  Vit.  Ill  75). 

2.  In  the  next  generation  there  were  three  sons  and  two  daughters. 
The  eldest  son,  Gilbert  Crispin  II,  was  keeper  of  the  castle  of  Tillieres ; 
the  youngest,  Robert,  died  at  Constantinople :  of  the  daughters, 
Emma  became  the  mother  of  Pierre  de  Conde,  and  Esilia  of  William 
Malet,  one  of  the  Conqueror's  great  men,  who  ended  his  life  as  a 
monk  at  Bec^ 

But  the  second  son,  William  Crispin  I,  achieved  the  highest  fame. 
Duke  William  had  entrusted  him  with  the  castle  of  Neaufles,  in  order 
to  check  the  incursions  of  Gautier  le  Vieux,  count  of  Pontoise,  who 
threatened  the  Norman  Vexin.  This  castle  passed  from  father  to  son, 
'  sicut  usque  hodie  videmus,'  says  the  writer  of  the  Miraculum^.  William 
Crispin  was  devoted  to  the  abbey  of  Bee ;  and  whenever  he  travelled 
from  Neaufles  to  attend  to  his  property  near  Lisieux  ('  in  Lexoviensi 
pago')  he  never  failed,  both  going  and  returning,  to  visit  Abbot 
Herluin,    One  day,  after  parting  from  the  abbot  as  usual,  he  suddenly 

•  'Esiliam,  matrem  Willelmi  Malet,  qui  miles  strenuus  in  seneetute  factus  est 
monachus  Becci,'  &c.,  Miraculuvi,  p.  53.  Mr  C.  E.  Mallet  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biogr.  speaks 
of  'Hesilia  Crispin'  as  wife  of  W.  Malet,  and  supposes,  after  Freeman,  that  he  died  in 
the  campaign  against  Hereward  in  1071  :  but  this  supposition  has  been  challenged. 

2  For  'Melfia'  must  be  reai.  'Nielfia'  or  '  Neelfia.'  'Neaufles,  canton  de  Gisors, 
arrondissement  des  Andelys.  I<  subsiste  encore  a  Neaufles  la  moitie  d'un  chateau  ou 
donjon  bati  au  xii"  si6cle '  (Poree,  Hist,  du  Bee,  i  179). 


William 
Malet 


Family  of  the  Crisjnns 


15 


returned  to  ask  his  blessing  and  the  special  prayers  of  the  brethren. 
At  the  end  of  his  journey,  when  he  was  close  to  his  castle,  the  French 
sprang  out  of  an  ambush  in  the  wood :  his  companions  fled  from  their 
attack.  He  leapt  from  his  horse  and  sat  on  the  root  of  a  felled  tree. 
The  Virgin  appeared  in  answer  to  his  prayers,  and  throwing  the  sleeve 
of  her  garment  over  him  rendered  him  invisible  to  his  enemies.  His 
love  for  St  Mary  of  Bee  vastly  increased,  and  it  became  hereditary 
in  his  family.  On  his  death-bed  he  sent  for  Abbot  Herluin.  Before  he 
could  arrive,  the  brave  soldier  was  troubled  by  demons ;  but  he  had  a 
vision  of  St  Benedict  who  drove  them  away.  This  was  related  by 
Herluin  and  his  monk  William,  who  was  subsequently  abbot  of 
Cormeilles :  for  they  arrived  immediately  afterwards,  and  had  it  from 
his  own  lips.  He  was  then  clothed  as  a  monk,  and  dying  a  few  days 
later  was  buried  near  the  church  of  Bee,  where  the  cloister  was  about 
to  be  built.    His  death  seems  to  have  taken  place  on  8  Jan.  1074^ 

Such  was  Abbot  Gilbert's  father.  His  mother  was  a  French  woman, 
Eva  de  Montfort,  sister  of  Amaury  III,  lord  of  Montfort  I'Amaury,  a 
stronghold  halfway  between  Paris  and  Chartres,  from  which  in  later  days 
the  famous  Simon  earl  of  Leicester  had  his  name.  She  shared  to  the  full 
her  husband's  love  for  Bee,  where  their  son  Gilbert  had  been  dedicated 
at  an  early  age ;  regarding  all  the  monks  as  if  they  were  her  children, 
and  giving  precious  vestments  and  ornaments  for  the  service  of  the 
church.  When  her  husband  died,  she  made  Bee  her  home,  adopting 
an  ascetic  life.  At  length  she  received  the  veil  from  William  the 
archbishop  of  Rouen.  Two  other  ladies  shared  her  retirement  ('  dede- 
runt  se  in  subjectionem  Becci ')  under  the  rule  of  Abbot  Anselm : 
Basilia,  the  wife  of  Hugh  de  Gournay,  who  himself  ended  his  days  as 
a  monk  of  Bee,  and  Amfrida  her  niece.  Anselm  refers  to  these  ladies 
several  times,  in  letters  written  when  he  was  absent  from  Bee:  he 
speaks  of  himself  as  the  Lady  Eva's  eldest  son^  By  a  strange 
coincidence  the  three  ladies  died  on  three  Sundays  in  January  1099, 
the  2nd,  16th,  and  23rd  days  of  the  months    The  Lady  Eva  was  the 

1  '  The  year  of  William  Crispin's  death  is  ascertained  from  the  Nomina  Monachorum, 
the  month  and  day  from  an  extract  from  the  necrology  of  Beaumont-le-Eoger  in  the 
National  Library  at  Paris  (Latin,  13905).  This  document  has  under  "  Januarius,  6  idus 
o[biit]  I*^  (i.e.  primus)  Will.  Crispinus  monachus  nostrae  congregationis." '  M.  Eule, 
Anselm  i  226  n. 

2  Anselm,  Epp.  ii  9  'Mandate  matri  et  dominae  nostrae  Evae  quod  de  filio  sue 
primogenito  vobiscum  audire  pari  desiderio  expectat,'  &c.  This  was  in  1079.  See  also 
Epp.  II  26  and  51,  iii  138  and  the  quotation  made  above  (p.  13)  from  Epp.  i  18. 

3  The  year  is  fixed  by  the  Sundays  :  the  only  other  hkely  year,  1093,  is  shewn  to  be 
too  early  by  Anselm,  Epp.  ii  51  and  iii  138. 


16 


Gilbert  Crispin 


last  to  go :  she  was  worn  out  with  age  and  fasting.  Carried  into  the 
church  on  St  Vincent's  Day  (22nd  Jan.),  she  was  anointed  before  the 
altar  of  the  Crucifix  ;  and,  as  the  convent  withdrew,  she  raised  her  hand 
and  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  over  them,  saying :  'My  sons,  I  commend 
you  to  God.'  The  writer  of  the  narrative  adds :  '  for  she  loved  us  as 
tenderly  as  if  we  had  been  her  own  children.'  She  passed  away  in  the 
following  night,  and  she  was  laid  to  rest  near  her  husband.  Brother 
Kodulphus,  we  are  told,  had  asked  her  if  possible  to  appear  to  him 
after  death :  she  did  so  a  few  days  later,  and  explained  that  she  had 
been  assigned  sixty  years  of  penance,  because  she  had  been  over-fond 
of  pet  dogs  and  other  trifles  ^ 

3.  We  come  now  to  the  third  generation,  to  which  Abbot  Gilbert 
himself  belonged.  Of  his  brothers  one  only  is  known  to  us,  William 
Crispin  II ^  Like  his  father  he  was  a  benefactor  of  Bee,  and  shortly 
after  the  Conqueror's  death  we  find  him  at  the  court  of  Duke  Robert, 
fiercely  threatening  to  withdraw  the  gifts  of  his  family,  if  the  abbey 
should  be  allowed  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  Robert  of  Meulan,  who  was 
claiming  it  as  an  appanage  of  Brionnel  He  married  Agnes,  daughter 
of  Godfi-ey  d'Etrepagny.  He  took  Duke  Robert's  side  against  K.  Henry, 
and  was  taken  prisoner  at  Tenchebrai  in  1106.  Henry  in  the  letter  in 
which  he  announced  his  victory  to  Anselm  names  William  Crispin 
among  his  principal  captives ^  A  little  later  he  conspired  with  Robert 
of  Belesme,  and  in  1112,  according  to  the  A.  S.  Chronicle,  he  was  driven 
out  of  Normandy.  A  story  is  told  of  his  striking  K.  Henry  on  the 
casque  at  the  battle  of  Br^mule  in  1119,  whereupon  he  was  over- 
powered and  taken  prisoner  by  Roger  fitz  Richard  ^  But  it  is  hard  to 
believe  that  this  William  Crispin  was  the  brother  of  Abbot  Gilbert, 

1  'Quia  parvos  canes  et  alia  hujusmodi  varia,  quae  homines  pro  nihilo  ducunt,  amavi, 
et  ultra  modum  in  iis  delectata  sum  :  ideo  talem  paenitentiam  accepi '  (D'Achery,  App.  to 
Lanfranc's  Works,  p.  5).  The  narrative  is  found  in  the  Vatican  ms  '  no.  499,  du  fonds  de 
la  reine  de  Sufede,'  and  in  the  Paris  transcript  of  this,  Bibl.  Nat.  lat.  5427  (Por6e,  Hist, 
du  Bee,  I  184). 

2  It  is  probably  he  who  witnesses  a  charter  (c.  1082  ?),  in  which  the  Conqueror  grants 
to  St  Stephen's  at  Caen  '  in  Lundonia  quamdam  terram  quae  fuit  Leureth,  sitam  prope 
ecclesiam  sancti  Petri,  quietam  de  gelth  et  de  scot  et  de  omni  alia  consuetudine ;  quam 
dedit  Wallerannus  filius  Ranulfi,  cum  decima  totius  terrae  suae  quam  habet  in  Anglia, 
tam  pro  anima  sua  quam  pro  mea '  {Gall.  Christ,  xi,  instr.  67 :  described  as  '  sitam  in 
Wodestrata  prope  ecclesiam  sancti  Petri,'  in  a  St  Stephen's  chartulary,  quoted  by  Palgrave 
Eng.  Commonwealth  ii  clxxxi). 

^  For  references  to  the  incident,  see  Por^e,  Hist,  du  Bee,  i  194  ii. 

*  Eadmer,  Hist.  Nov.  Bolls  S.  p.  184. 

°  Por6e,  ut  supra  196,  where  references  are  given. 


Family  of  the  Crisjnns 


17 


who  had  died  two  years  before  at  the  age  of  seventy  at  least.  Possibly 
William  Crispin  III  was  the  audacious  hero  of  this  fight. 

4,  William  Crispin  III  fought  with  Geoffrey  Plantagenet,  count  of 
Anjou,  against  Robert  de  Sable  who  was  in  revolt  in  Dec.  1135.  He 
was  saved  at  this  battle,  so  the  Miraculum  informs  us,  by  St  Mary 
of  Bee.  Afterwards  he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  on  his  release,  just  as 
he  was  about  to  start  for  Jerusalem  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow,  he  died  and 
was  buried  near  his  ancestors  at  Bee. 

Milo  Crispin,  who  held  lands  in  England  at  the  time  of  the  Survey, 
chiefly  in  Oxfordshire,  was  probably  the  cousin  of  Abbot  Gilbert,  and 
the  son  of  Gilbert  Crispin  II,  who  according  to  Wace's  Roman  de  Rou 
took  part  in  the  Conquests  Milo  attests  the  Bee  charter  of  the 
Conqueror  (c.  1077,  Por^e  ibid,  i  645),  though  he  does  not  appear  in  it 
as  a  donor.  In  a  charter  of  Henry  II,  however,  which  confirms  ancient 
grants,  we  find  that  he  had  given  to  Bee  both  Swyncombe  (Oxon.)  and 
also  tithes  at  Wallingford  (Poree,  li  574) :  '  et  de  dono  Milonis  Crispini 
Swinecumbam  et  decimam  de  dominico  de  honore  de  Walingforde.' 
The  Honor  of  Wallingford  came  to  him  through  marriage  with  Matilda, 
daughter  of  Robert  de  Oleio^  In  the  History  of  Abingdon  we  read  of 
'  Milo  de  Walingaford  cognomento  Crispin,'  as  keeping  Easter  with 
Prince  Henry  at  Abingdon  in  1084'.  He  died  in  1107.  Shortly 
before  his  death,  in  recognition  of  the  medical  services  of  the  famous 
abbot  of  Abingdon,  he  gave  to  that  abbey  a  hospice  on  their  road  to 
London*.  He  appears  as  attesting  two  charters  of  William  Rufus  to 
Abbot  Gilbert,  and  also  Abbot  Gilbert's  grant  of  the  manor  of  Hendon 
to  Gunter  and  his  heirs.  The  last  of  these  cannot  be  later  than  1102; 
for  in  that  year  Robert  the  prior,  who  also  attests,  was  appointed  abbot 
of  St  Edmund's\    It  is  possible  that  all  three  belong  to  one  date,  and 

1  Por^e,  ibid,  i  179.    This  is  probably  the  Gilbert  Crispin  who  attests  the  charter 
of  H.  Trin.  Caen  (1082)  :  see  Gall.  Chr.  xi,  instr.  72. 
^  Dugdale,  Baronage  i  460. 
»  Hist.  Abingd.  Rolls  S.  ii  12. 

*  Ibid.  97  :  '  Milo  Crispin,  pro  servitio  quod  abbas  Faritius  ei  in  sua  infirmitate 
impenderat,  dedit  in  eleemosynam  ecclesiae  sanctae  Mariae  et  monachis  de  Abbendonia 
quoddam  hospitium  in  via  Lundoniae  apud  Colebroc'...anno  videlicet  vii  Henrici  regis.' 
His  wife  Matilda  is  mentioned  as  concurring  in  the  benefaction  (ibid.  110).  He  was 
also  a  benefactor  to  Evesham:  'Milo  Crispin  dedit  dimidiam  hidam  in  Hildendone' 
(Chron.  Evesh.  Rolls  S.  75). 

*  These  charters  are  printed  below  (nos.  11—13).  He  attests  a  charter  of  Will.  I  to 
Lewes  Priory,  Monast.  v  13  (orig.  in  Cotton  Vesp.  F.  iii,  art.  1). 

E.  c.  2 


18 


Gilbert  Crispin 


Milo  may  have  been  staying  at  the  time  with  his  kinsman  the  abbot  of 
Westminster. 

Another  Milo  Crispin  was  the  precentor  of  Bee  who  compiled  the 
Life  of  Lanfranc,  and  also  wrote  the  lives  of  several  of  the  abbots  of 
Bee.  It  would  seem  from  the  list  of  Bee  monks  that  he  entered  the 
monastery  just  after  Anselm  had  ceased  to  be  abbot^ :  but  he  had 
seen  the  great  archbishop  on  one  of  his  visits  to  his  old  horned  He 
died  about  1150^ 

In  conclusion  we  may  mention  an  interesting  charter,  in  which 
Goscelin  Crispin  recites  and,  with  the  assent  of  his  little  son  William, 
confirms  the  grants  of  his  ancestors  the  three  William  Crispins :  it  is 
given  at  Bee  in  1155*. 

I  find  the  name  of '  Fulco  Crispinus '  as  the  last  witness  to  the  Bath 
Charter  of  1090^ :  and  the  name  of  '  Gislebertus  Crispinus '  entered  on 
the  Bee  roll  c.  11126 


1  Poree  i  631. 

*  Vita  Lanfranci  c.  xiv  (D'Achery,  p.  15) :  '  Hoc  beato  Anselmo  archipraesule  referente 
cum  aliis  pluribus  audivi.' 

3  Por^e  I  105,  532.  ^  Printed  by  Poree,  i  656. 

^  Bath  Chartularies  [Som.  Kec.  Soo.]  i,  no.  37. 
6  Por^e  I  632. 


III.    Gilbert  at  Westminster. 


It  is  not  always  easy  to  date  Anselm's  letters,  but  it  seems  likely 
that  Gilbert  must  have  gone  to  Canterbury  at  the  close  of  the  year 
1079,  shortly  after  Anselm's  return  from  his  first  visit  to  England. 
Of  the  time  which  he  spent  in  Lanfranc's  service  we  know  nothing ; 
but  that  he  had  proved  his  worth  we  may  conclude  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  at  Lanfranc's  instigation  that  the  king  appointed  him  to 
Westminster'. 

The  date  of  his  appointment  to  Westminster  cannot  be  fixed  with 
certainty.  There  is  good  evidence  for  placing  his  death  in  1117 ;  and, 
if  we  may  trust  the  writer  of  the  Miraculum,  he  was  abbot  for  thirty- 
two  years.  This  would  give  us  1085  as  the  year  of  his  accession :  and 
with  this  as  a  provisional  date  we  must  at  present  be  contents 

1  Flete  (p.  86),  quoting  from  a  Bee  document,  the  Miraculum  alluded  to  above,  says : 
'nt...eum  Lanfrancus  ad  regimen  Westmonasterii  provideret.'  Hugh  the  precentor  of 
York  introduces  Gilbert  into  an  absurd  story  about  the  famous  Canterbury  Privilege 
of  1072,  which  he  says  was  a  forged  document,  issued  in  many  copies  to  which  the  royal 
seal  had  been  fraudulently  affixed.  The  king  as  he  was  crossing  to  Normandy  for  the  last 
time  (1086)  was  told  of  this  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  repudiated  the  document,  saying  that 
he  would  do  justice  between  the  two  archbishops  on  his  return,  which  never  took  place : 
'hoc  plures  audierunt,  inter  quos  et  Eannulphus  qui  nunc  usque  superest  [tll28] 
Dunelmensis  episcopus,  tune  quidem  capellanus  et  custos  sigilli  regis  sub  Mauricio 
cancellario  postea  Londoniensi  episcopo,  et  Gillebertus  Crispinus  monachus  L.  archie- 
piscopi,  postea  abbas  Westmonasterii ;  qui  ambo  coram  multis  edixerunt,  et  si  quis 
dubitaret  jurare  parati,  cartam  sic  confirmatam  fuisse,  et  regem  sicut  predictum  est  inde 
respondisse ;  et  quod  ipse  rex  Gilleberto  Crispino,  nobili  genere  monacho,  preceperat 
ut  hoc  testimonium  Eboracensi  ecclesiae  perhiberet,  quicquid  de  ipso  contingeret ' 
(Historians  of  York,  ii  102  f.).  The  same  charge  is  repeated  on  behalf  of  Thomas  II 
of  York  to  K.  Heru-y  I ;  and  of  Gilbert  it  is  said :  '  iste  tunc  temporis  Lanfranci 
archiepiscopi  monachus  et  familiaris  erat '  (p.  122).  The  story  is  interesting  for  the  light 
it  throws  on  Gilbert's  position  :  but  it  is  full  of  contradictions.  Gilbert  was  abbot  before 
1086  ;  he  was  not  in  England  at  the  time  of  the  controversy  in  1072.  In  the  second 
passage  Rannlf  and  Gilbert  are  accused  of  being  parties  to  the  forgery,  and  the  king 
indignantly  replies  that  they  are  not  men  of  whom  such  things  could  be  believed. 

^  Flete  brings  him  in  two  years  earlier,  and  puts  his  death  in  1115  :  and  a  charter 
(printed  below,  p.  38)  would  confirm  this,  if  we  could  trust  the  late  copy  which  alone  is 
preserved  of  it.  But  there  are  difficulties  also  as  to  the  year  of  his  predecessor's  death  : 
see  my  edition  of  Flete's  History,  p.  141  f. 

2—2 


20 


Gilbert  Crispin 


The  Conqueror's  reign  was  nearing  its  close.  The  great  Domesday 
Survey  was  being  made  when  the  new  abbot  was  fresh  in  his  seat ;  and 
he  doubtless  attended  the  meeting  at  Salisbury  on  1  August,  1086, 
and  took  the  oath  to  be  King  William's  man  against  all  his  enemies. 
Later  in  the  same  year  the  king  left  England  for  the  last  time.  On 
26  September,  1087,  Gilbert  must  have  helped  his  old  master,  the  aged 
Lanfranc,  to  crown  William  Rufus,  and  have  heard  the  welcome  pledge 
which  the  new  king  gave  that  in  all  matters  he  would  be  guided  by  the 
archbishop's  advice.  The  pledge  was  quickly  broken — '  Who  can  keep 
all  his  promises  ? ' — and  on  24  May,  1089,  the  primate  was  released  by 
death  from  his  thankless  responsibility.  For  the  next  four  years  the 
see  of  Canterbury  was  left  unfilled,  and  the  Red  King  drew  its 
revenues.  It  was  well  for  Westminster  that  a  young  and  vigorous 
abbot  had  recently  been  appointed :  for  otherwise  it  would  have  shared 
the  miserable  fate  of  the  eleven  abbeys  which  as  they  fell  vacant  were 
kept  in  the  king's  hands. 

It  is  possible  that  before  the  end  of  1086  Gilbert  may  have 
received  a  visit  from  Abbot  Anselm :  for  a  charter  granted  to  him  by 
William  (possibly  the  Conqueror)  has  for  its  first  witness  'abbas 
Beccensis^.'  At  any  rate  in  the  beginning  of  1093  Anselm  was  at 
Westminster.  In  a  letter  written  to  Baldric  his  prior  at  Bee  he  com- 
mends its  bearer,  'a  monk  of  the  lord  abbot  Gilbert,  whom  I  would 
have  you  receive  with  special  kindness.'  He  will  tell  them,  he  says, 
more  than  can  be  put  into  writing.  They  must  know  that  the  king  still 
delays  to  respond  to  his  request  (probably  for  a  confirmation  of  the 
English  estates  of  Bee),  though  both  he  and  all  the  nobles  shew  him 
love  and  honour  beyond  anything  he  could  expect.  He  cannot,  he  says, 
now  hope  to  return  before  Lent^  This  was  written  just  before  the 
king's  sudden  illness  and  short-lived  repentance.  Anselm,  as  it  proved, 
was  not  to  return  to  Bee,  until  he  came  as  the  exiled  archbishop  of 
Canterbury.  On  the  first  Sunday  in  that  very  Lent  (6  March,  1093), 
the  pastoral  staff  was  thrust  between  his  resisting  fingers,  and  after 
vain  endeavours  to  regain  his  freedom  he  allowed  himself  at  last  to  be 
enthroned  at  Canterbury  on  25  September.  He  left  England  in 
October,  1097,  and  did  not  come  back  until  after  the  Red  King's  death. 

In  the  meantime  Gilbert's  devoted  mother,  the  Lady  Eva,  died,  as 
we  have  seen,  at  Bee  on  21  Jan.  1099.  The  next  year  Gilbert  was  at 
the  Easter  court  at  Winchester,  where  he  witnessed  the  king's  charter 

1  Printed  below,  no.  17.    Probably,  however,  it  should  be  assigned  to  1093. 

2  Anselm,  Epp.  n  51. 


Gilbert  at  Westminster 


21 


to  the  monastery  of  Evesham'.  That  same  year  brought  Henry's 
hurried  coronation  in  the  abbey,  performed  by  the  bishop  of  London  on 
5  August,  1100.    Anselm's  return  soon  followed. 

At  Michaelmas,  1102,  Anselm  held  a  council  at  Westminster  with  a 
view  to  the  enforcement  of  reforms  in  the  Church.  A  canon  was 
passed  against  clerical  marriages,  and  several  abbots  were  deposed  for 
simony  and  other  causes^  A  strange  scene  is  recorded  as  having  taken 
place  before  the  session  of  the  council.  Gerard  the  archbishop  of  York 
had  come ;  but,  as  Hugh  the  precentor  of  York  relates,  '  the  monks 
having  prepared  for  their  archbishop  a  seat  singularly  high,  Gerard  was 
wroth,  and,  publicly  invoking  God's  hate  on  him  who  had  so  set  it  up, 
he  kicked  it  over,  nor  would  sit  down  till  a  seat  of  equal  dignity  had 
been  prepared  for  him ;  desiring  to  make  it  perfectly  plain  that  he 
owed  him  no  subjection  I'  This  was  an  inherited  quarrel,  and  Gerard 
was  a  passionate  Norman,  the  kinsman  of  our  Norman  kings  who 
frequently  were  carried  away  by  uncontrollable  anger.  Seventy  years 
later  St  Catharine's  chapel  in  the  infirmary  witnessed  a  yet  more  dis- 
tressing episode  of  the  same  struggle. 

Six  months  after  this  council  Anselm's  difficulties  with  the  new  king 
led  him  to  leave  the  country  again,  and  he  did  not  return  till  towards 
the  end  of  1106.  The  king  meantime  had  seized  the  revenues  of  the 
archbishopric,  and  in  other  ways  had  pressed  hardly  upon  the  church — 
so  hardly,  indeed,  that  Gerard  and  several  of  the  principal  bishops, 
who  had  hitherto  refused  to  support  Anselm,  wrote  earnestly  intreat- 
ing  him  to  come  back.  The  question  of  the  Investitures  was  not  a 
simple  one,  and  the  minds  of  English  churchmen  were  seriously  divided 
upon  it.  The  time-honoured  customs  of  England  pointed  one  way : 
the  recent  legislation  of  councils,  anxious  to  secure  the  Church  against 
simoniacal  appointments,  pointed  the  other  way.  We  should  have 
been  glad  to  know  what  a  quiet  and  thoughtful  churchman  like  Abbot 
Gilbert  felt  about  the  merits  of  the  controversy.    The  question  had  not 

1  'In  quarta  feria  Paschae,'  Chron.  Evesh.  Eolls  S.  p.  xlix.  He  had  witnessed  the 
charter  of  Lincoln,  sometime  previous  to  Sept.  1090  (Line.  Cath.  Stat.,  Bradshaw  and 
Wordsworth,  ii  5). 

^  This  is  the  '  Covmcil  of  London,'  held  (as  Anselm  says)  '  in  ecclesia  heati  Petri  in 
occidentali  parte  juxta  Lundoniam  sita'  (Eadmer,  Hist.  Nov.  Rolls  S.  p.  141). 

^  '  Postea  placuit  Anselmo  et  Girardo  archiepiscopis  concilium  celebrare :  quo  in 
Westmonasterio  congregato,  cum  monachi  archiepiscopo  suo  sedem  singulariter  celsam 
parassent,  Girardus  indignatus,  et  dei  odium  ei  qui  sic  paraverat  vulgariter  orans,  pede 
subvertit,  nec  sedere  voluit  donee  sibi  cum  archiepiscopo  sede  pari  parata,  liquido  volens 
ostendere  ei  nullam  subjectionem  debere '  (Hugo  Cantor,  Rolls  S.  p.  110). 


22 


Gilbert  Crispin 


arisen  for  England  when  he  received  his  pastoral  staff  from  the 
Conqueror ;  and  the  matter  had  therefore  no  practical  bearing  for  him- 
self But  from  his  central  position  he  was  able  to  see  the  disaster 
which  the  prolongation  of  the  controversy  was  bringing  on  the  Church  : 
and  we  are  fortunate  in  possessing  a  copy  of  verses  addressed  to 
Anselm,  in  which  he  deliberately  warns  him  of  the  perilous  responsi- 
bility which  he  is  incurring  by  his  continued  absence.  They  are  an 
instructive  comment  on  the  situation,  coming  as  they  do  from  one  of 
Anselm's  most  devoted  sons'. 

The  tuneful  pipe  that  loved  to  chant  your  praise 
Is  hoarse  and  mournful  now.    Shepherd,  it  cries, 
Why  is  the  Shepherd  absent  from  the  fold? 
The  flock  is  wandering  leaderless  astray: 
None  brings  it  back.    Pastures  it  vainly  seeks, 
And  knowing  not  its  good  takes  hurtful  food: 
Wherefore  'tis  wholly  sick  and  near  to  die. 

The  cunning  foe  creeps  round,  and  sees  the  fold 
Abandoned:  enters  here  and  goes  out  there 
Unhindered,  finding  none  to  drive  him  back 
Or  check  the  full  glut  of  his  wolfish  rage. 

He  scatters  all,  and  all  are  slain— fat,  lean, 
And  old  and  young.    The  appetite  of  wolves 
What  can  abate  ?    One  wolf  will  count  too  few 
A  thousand  thousand  sheep :  when  many  come. 
See  how  the  abandoned  fold  is  given  to  death  ! 

I  say,  their  Master  will  demand  them  back: 
Who  asks  not  back  what  he  has  given  in  charge? 
I  say,  these  sheep  'tis  you  who  must  restore 
To  whom  they  were  committed :  none  disputes 
Recovery  of  a  trust :  therefore  beware ! 

Oh,  many  a  thousand,  trusted  to  your  care 

And  lost.  He  asks  again.    All  England  first — 

How  great  a  multitude:  all  Scotland  next; 

And  then  that  further  distant  island,  where 

The  populous  Irish  dwell.    These  ample  realms. 

When  were  they  visited?    None  visits  them: 

A  year,  nay  years  have  passed.    Therefore  beware  ! 

We  know  from  Boso's  language  in  the  opening  of  the  Cur  Dem 
homo  what  liberty  of  speech  Anselm  had  encouraged  in  his  pupils  at 
Bee.    But  this  is  plain  speaking  indeed ;  and  it  must  have  wrung  his 


*  For  the  text  see  below,  p.  83. 


Gilbert  at  Westminster 


23 


tender  heart  more  than  any  of  the  remonstrances  that  reached  him  from 
other  quarters'. 

The  controversy  ended  at  last  with  an  English  compromise.  The 
king  should  no  longer  give  the  staff,  the  symbol  of  a  spiritual  responsi- 
bility :  but  the  bishops  and  abbots  should  still  do  homage  for  their 
temporal  possessions. 

On  Sunday,  11  Aug.  1107,  Anselm  consecrated  five  bishops  at 
Canterbury :  and  a  few  days  later  Robert,  Gilbert's  former  prior,  was 
blessed  as  abbot  of  St  Edmund's.  The  new  abbot  of  St  Augustine's 
was  deferred,  as  he  was  not  yet  ordained.  He  would  have  been  blessed 
shortly  after  Christmas,  but  that  he  demanded  that  the  ceremony 
should  take  place  in  his  own  church.  When  Anselm  was  near  London 
Cjuxta  Lundoniam ')  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  the  monks  of  St 
Augustine's  persuaded  the  king  to  command  the  archbishop  to  conse- 
crate Hugh  in  his  own  monastery.  A  deputation  was  sent  by  the  king 
to  urge  Anselm  to  consent.  It  consisted  of  the  bishops  of  Winchester, 
Sarum  and  Exeter,  together  with  Gilbert  the  abbot  of  Westminster^ 
Anselm  would  not  yield  the  point ;  and  in  the  end  he  consecrated  Hugh 
at  Lambeth  on  27  Feb.  1108.  This  is  the  last  occasion  on  which  we 
see  the  master  and  the  pupil  together:  on  27  April,  1109  the  saintly 
archbishop  passed  away  at  Canterbury. 

Gilbert  had  dedicated  to  him  three  of  his  works :  the  famous 
Disputation  with  a  Jew,  and  the  treatises  on  Simony  and  on  the  Holy 
Spirit.  Each  dedicatory  letter  is  addressed  to  Anselm  as  archbishop, 
but  none  makes  reference  to  his  troubles  or  his  absence^. 

We  have  anticipated  the  course  of  events  in  order  to  complete  the 
story  of  Gilbert's  relations  with  Anselm ;  and  we  must  now  return  to 
consider  a  notable  incident  of  the  year  1102.  It  is  recorded  by  Ailred 
the  abbot  of  Rievaulx  in  the  Life  of  St  Edward  which  he  drew  up  by 
request  of  Abbot  Laurence  on  the  occasion  of  the  canonisation  or  the 
translation  of  the  king  (1161,  or  1163).  But  Ailred  was  merely 
recasting  the  earlier  Life  which  Osbert  the  prior  had  written  in  1138; 

1  Anselm,  Ep.  iii  121.  The  pressure  which  was  put  upon  Anselm  at  this  time  to 
return  is  fully  described  by  Eadmer,  who  quotes  some  striking  letters  of  remonstrance 
(Hist.  Nov.  pp.  159—168). 

2  '  Hujus  mandati  Willelmus  episcopus  Wintoniensis  et  Eogerius  Serberiensis  et 
Willelmus  Exoniensis,  cum  Gisleberto  abbate  Westmonasterii,  a  rege  ad  Anselmum  nuncii 
fuerunt'  (Eadmer,  Hist.  Nov.  p.  189). 

3  The  years  in  which  he  was  in  England  are  1093—1097,  1100  (Sept.)— IIO.S  (April), 
1107—  1109  :  to  the  first  two  periods  the  dedications  most  probably  belong. 


24 


Gilbert  Crispin 


and,  as  this  Life  has  not  yet  been  printed,  I  have  here  translated  the 
following  passage,  which  is  in  fact  our  ultimate  authority  for  the  story 
of  the  opening  of  the  Confessor's  tomb  in  1102^. 

Inasmuch  as  it  hath  pleased  our  Lord  God  to  disclose  to  many  mortal  eyes  the 
fair  beauty  which  adorned  this  sacred  Prince  in  the  flesh,  his  temporal  glory  is 
sufficiently  attested  by  that  holy  company  who  on  the  day  of  his  translation  found 
the  king's  body  whole  and  incorrupt.  Gilbert  the  lord  abbot,  whose  patronymic  was 
Crispinus,  had  called  to  the  great  solemnity  many  men  of  note,  chief  among  whom 
was  Gundulf  the  venerable  prelate  of  Rochester.  Six  and  thirty  years  had  King 
Edward  lain  in  the  tomb,  and  many  thought  that  like  other  men  he  had  fallen  to 
ashes  after  our  common  mortal  lot.  But  some  there  were  whose  loving  thoughts 
gave  them  a  holy  presentiment  of  somewhat  divine  attending  one  whose  limbs  had 
never  known  the  loss  of  virgin  purity,  and  whose  body  they  could  not  doubt 
remained  in  a  kind  of  resurrection  glory.  Other  devout  religious  men  were  moved 
by  a  great  longing  to  look  upon  his  face,  men  who  had  seen  his  beloved  countenance 
while  he  yet  lived  in  the  flesh.  For  in  his  service  they  had  been  enrolled,  and 
therefore  burned  the  more  ardently  in  this  holy  purpose,  that  with  their  very  eyes 
they  might  behold  him  after  so  long  a  time  in  the  tomb. 

So  then  the  upper  stone  is  lifted  from  the  sarcophagus,  and  his  glorious  body  is 
found  wrapt  in  a  costly  robe  :  slender  hands  and  flexible  joints,  the  finger  with  its 
royal  ring,  the  sandals — all  are  plainly  seen  to  shew  no  sign  of  corruption  :  the 
sceptre  at  his  side,  the  crown  upon  his  head,  all  the  regal  ornaments  of  his  noble 
burial  are  shewn  uninjured  by  the  touch  of  time.  So  firm  and  bright  was  the  flesh, 
so  perfect  all  the  garments,  that  their  soundness  told  that  God  in  truth  was 
magnified  in  Edward,  setting  forth  in  his  flesh  an  image  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
saints. 

So  great  fear  fell  on  all,  that  none  could  dare  uncover  the  king's  veiled  counte- 
nance, nor  disclose  on  any  side  the  face  they  longed  to  see.  One  man  alone,  God's 
holy  and  righteous  bishop  Gundulf,  was  so  kindled  with  the  flame  of  yearning  love 
as  to  cleave  the  covering  beneath  the  chin,  draw  out  the  beard  and  arrange  it  in 
comely  wise  betwixt  his  hands.  Then,  when  he  felt  it  firm  set  in  the  flesh,  was 
this  great  man  astonished  at  the  strange  miracle.  But  yet  he  essayed  to  draw 
gently  forth  a  single  hair,  if  perchance  it  might  yield  to  his  touch,  that  so  of  the 
relics  of  the  holy  king  he  might  thus  be  allowed  an  abundant  enrichment. 

But  as  the  lord  abbot  Gilbert  stood  and  watched,  'What  is  this,'  he  cried,  'good 
bishop,  that  thou  dost  ?  In  the  land  of  the  living  he  hath  attained  an  eternal 
inheritance  with  the  saints  of  God  :  wherefore  then  dost  thou  seek  to  diminish  his 
share  of  temporal  glory  ?  Cease,  honoured  Sir,  so  to  presume  :  vex  not  the  king  in 
his  royal  bed.'  Then  was  Gundulf  wholly  resolved  in  tears,  and  said,  '  Venerable 
abbot,  thou  hast  spoken  aright.  Yet  know  that  not  any  bold  presumption  sped  me 
to  this  deed.  The  flame  of  holy  devotion,  wherewith  I  burned  for  love  of  the 
glorious  king,  urged  me  to  take  but  one  hair  of  that  snowy  beard,  to  keep  it  with 
solemn  reverence  in  his  memory  as  a  treasure  more  precious  than  gold.  But  since 
my  hope  is  gone,  and  my  wish  could  not  be  granted,  let  him  keep  his  own  by  his 
own  right  in  peace.  Let  him  rest  in  his  palace,  virgin  and  incorrupt,  till  with 
»  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  ms  36,737,  f.  156  b. 


Gilbert  at  Westminster 


25 


triumphant  joy  he  shall  meet  the  advent  of  the  Judge,  and  receive  in  this  his  flesh 
tlie  abiding  glory  of  a  blessed  immortality.' 

In  the  tomb  therefore  they  shut  that  sacred  body,  which  they  had  found  in  its 
solid  perfection,  and  from  whence  already  such  fragrant  odours  had  exhaled  as  to 
fill  with  sweetness  the  whole  house  of  God. 

The  florid  magnificence  of  Osbert's  style  need  not  make  us  distrust 
entirely  the  tradition  which  he  records.  It  is  probable  that  the  tomb 
was  opened,  though  the  motives  of  curiosity  or  affection  are  insufficient 
to  account  for  the  disturbance  of  the  royal  remains.  The  rubric  which 
heads  the  chapter  speaks  of  this  as  '  the  first  translation '  of  the  saintly 
king;  and  though  this  may  not  come  from  Osbert's  pen,  yet  he  does 
use  the  word  '  translation '  in  his  first  sentence ;  so  that  it  is  possible 
that  a  new  shrine  may  have  been  made,  or  the  tomb  may  have  been 
moved  to  some  position  more  suitable  for  one  who  was  already  working 
miracles  of  healing.  It  would  seem  that  Anselm  was  not  present : 
possibly  our  date  is  incorrect,  and  he  may  have  been  out  of  England 
at  the  time.  But  no  one  had  a  higher  reputation  for  holiness  than 
Gundulf,  Anselm's  bosom  friend  at  Bee,  who  had  been  twenty-five  years 
at  Rochester  and  had  known  Gilbert  for  more  than  forty  years. 

Gundulf's  rash  act  is  explained  when  we  remember  that  a  bishop 
who  presided  over  the  translation  of  a  saint  carried  off  as  his  due  some 
fragment  of  his  body  to  add  to  the  store  of  his  church's  relics.  We 
may  here  recall  a  story  of  Archbishop  Thomas  who  translated  our  saint 
in  1163:  for  it  seems  to  have  escaped  attention,  and  it  illustrates  the 
common  practiced  Whereas  the  archbishop's  due  was  the  saint's 
right  arm,  St  Thomas  preferred  to  take  the  stone  which  covered 
his  coffin.  Nor  need  we  wonder  at  his  choice.  For  his  conflict  with 
the  king  had  well  begun,  and  this  stone  was  the  memorial  of  an  earlier 
struggle.  Had  it  not  received  and  held  the  staff  of  Wulstan  when  he 
had  refused  to  yield  it  at  the  Conqueror's  bidding?  The  stone,  then, 
went  to  Canterbury,  and  for  many  years  it  stood  by  the  tomb  of  the 
martyred  prelate;  until  at  length,  when  King  Henry  IV  made  a  chapel 
of  St  Edward  in  the  cathedral,  it  was  used  for  the  altar  slab.  Once  more 
St  Edward  was  left  to  us  intact,  escaping  the  common  lot  of  saints — 
partly  perhaps  because  he  was  a  king. 

There  are  no  further  incidents  of  general  interest  to  record  of 
Gilbert's  tenure  of  the  abbacy,  save  that  on  19  Sept.  1115  a  bishop 
was  for  the  first  time  consecrated  within  the  abbey  walls.  At  a  later 
date  St  Catharine's  chapel  in  the  infirmary  saw  many  such  consecra- 

'  Continuator  of  Gervase  of  Canterbury's  Gesta  Regum,  Rolls  S.  ii  285. 


26 


Gilbert  Crispin 


tions;  but  in  these  earlier  days  the  archbishops  were  peculiarly 
tenacious  of  their  right  to  bring  the  bishop-elect  to  Canterbury,  or 
at  least  to  some  chapel  of  their  own.  Ralph  was  no  less  jealous  on 
this  point  than  Anselm  had  been,  and  it  was  only  because  he  was  the 
chaplain  of  the  good  Queen  Maud,  and  because  she  specially  desired 
to  be  present,  that  Bernard,  the  bishop  of  St  David's,  received  his 
consecration  in  the  abbey  church'. 

Gilbert  died  on  6  Dec.  1117,  and  he  was  laid  in  the  south  cloister 
close  to  his  predecessor.  The  grave  of  Vitalis  was  marked  by  a  plain 
flat  stone,  on  which  year  by  year  a  carpet  and  tapers  were  set  on  his 
anniversary.  Gilbert  is  figured  with  his  pastoral  staff  in  high  relief 
on  a  slab  of  black  Tournai  marble — the  oldest  sculptured  monument 
of  the  abbey^.  The  features  of  the  face  are  wholly  gone,  worn  by  the 
tread  of  thousands  of  Westminster  boys  before  the  slab  was  shifted 
in  the  eighteenth  century  to  a  securer  place  beneath  the  long  stone 
bench.  But  the  delicately  carved  ears  remain ;  for  the  deep  recesses 
on  each  side  of  the  head  had  been  filled  in  with  Roman  cement  to  save 
the  passing  foot  from  tripping.  The  epitaph  has  long  since  disap- 
peared, but  Flete  records  it;  and,  though  hardly  worthy  of  one  who 
could  write  such  good  verses  as  our  abbot,  it  is  not  so  insipid  as  these 
things  usually  are,  and  it  has  the  rare  merit  of  truth. 

Hie  pater  insignis  genus  altum,  virgo  senexque, 

Gisleberte,  jaces,  lux  via  duxque  tuis. 
raitis  eras  Justus  prudens  fortis  moderatus, 

doctus  quadrivio,  nec  minus  in  trivio. 
sic  tamen  ornatus  nece,  sexta  luce  Decembris, 

spiramen  caelo  reddis  et  ossa  solo. 

An  anonymous  monk  of  Gilbert's  former  monastery  characterises 
the  three  great  spiritual  builders  of  Bee  in  the  brief  sentence : 
Anselmum  mitem,  Herluinum,  devotum,  Lanfrancum  sapientem^.  '  The 
gentle  Anselm '  was  the  man  whom  the  Bee  monks  knew,  though  the 

'  '  Proposult  itaque  ilium  in  ecclesia  hospitii  sui  apud  Lambetiiam  consecrare.  verum 
quoniam  ipsi  officio  regina  interesse  volebat,  postulatus  ab  ea  sacravit  ipsum  in  ecclesia 
beati  Petri  Westmonasterii  xiii  Kal.  Octobris...huic  consecratioui  interfuerunt  et  oo- 
operatores  extiterunt  suffraganei  ecclesiae  Cantuariensis  episcopi  videlicet  hi,  Willelmus 
Wintoniensis,  Kobertus  Lincoliensis,  Rogerus  Serberiensis,  Johannes  Bathoniensis, 
Urbanus  Glamorgatensis,  Gislebertus  Lumniensis  de  Hibernia '  (Eadmer,  Hist.  Nov.  Rolls 
S.  pp.  235  f.). 

2  For  the  graves  of  the  abbots  in  the  cloister,  see  the  Introduction  to  Flete's  History, 

pp.  22  e. 

3  Por6e,  L'Abbaye  du  Bee  et  ses  ecoles,  p.  66:  cf.  Hist,  du  Bee  I  536.  The  letter  in 
question  was  written  c.  1130 — 50. 


Gilbert  at  Westminster' 


27 


world  has  wondered  at  his  inflexible  will  and  the  daring  originality  of 
his  thought.  In  the  verses  above  cited  the  epithet  mitis  is  happily 
chosen  to  express  the  leading  trait  of  Abbot  Gilbert's  character:  we 
shall  find  its  justification  presently  in  his  writings. 

When  an  abbot  died  a  mortuary  roll  was  carried  from  abbey  to 
abbey  to  ask  for  the  prayers  of  the  brethren.  Each  monastery  made 
its  own  entry,  promising  prayers  and  asking  prayers  in  return  on  behalf 
of  its  own  departed  brethren  or  patrons,  the  chief  of  whom  were 
commonly  mentioned  by  name.  Abbot  Gilbert's  mortuary  roll  has  not 
survived ;  but  the  roll  of  his  contemporary.  Abbot  Vitalis  of  Savigny, 
has  been  fully  published  in  facsimile  by  the  late  M.  Leopold  Delisle^. 
Vitalis  had  come  to  England  on  a  preaching  tour:  for  he  was  a  famous 
revivalist.  We  learn  from  this  roll  that  he  had  visited  our  abbey.  He 
died  16  Oct.  1122;  and  the  Westminster  entry  on  his  roll  is  of  interest, 
not  only  because  it  names  those  for  whom  the  prayers  of  a  foreign 
abbey  were  desired,  but  also  because  it  offers  a  specimen  of  the  hand 
which  was  then  written  by  our  precentor  or  in  our  scriptorium.  The 
entry  is  as  follows: 

TITVLVS  i  SCI  :  PETRI  i  WESTMONASTERIl 

Aniraa  eius  et  anime  omnium  fidelium  defunctorum  Reqiiiescant  in  pace 
Offa.  rege.  ^dgaro.  rege.  Matilda,  regina.  Crispin. 

Amen.    Orate  pro  nostris.  ^  iEowARDO.  rege.  ^  Vital',  abb'.  Gisleberto.  abb'. 

Riculfo.  Turstino.  Tur'^illo.  ^Egelmiardo.  Maiiritio.  Willelmo.  et  pro  omnibus,  aliis. 
Concedimus  sibi  plenam  fraternitatem  et  societatem  ^eclesig  nostrgK  sicut  con- 
cessimus  illi  cum  fratribus  qui  secum  ad  nos  uenerant.  H§c  igitur  renouantes 
obnixe  uos  petimus.  ut  eadem  nobis  concedatisK  quatinus  in  superne  civitatis 
arce  mereamiir  abinuicem  in  Igticia  sempitema  uideri.  Amen. 

We  note  that  after  the  entry  had  been  made  it  was  evidently 
supplemented  at  the  bidding  of  authority.  Ofia  and  Edgar  were 
prefixed,  and  the  good  Queen  Maud  was  added :  and  Crispin  was 
inserted  above  Gilbert's  name,  that  none  might  fail  to  recognise  the 
well-known  personage.  Of  the  monks  Riculfus,  Turstin,  Turkill  and 
Aegelward  no  other  record  remains.  There  was  a  monk  named  William 
in  the  early  days  of  our  abbot ;  but  the  name  is  too  common  to  allow  of 
a  certain  identification.  We  are  on  more  sure  ground  with  Maurice, 
who  is  doubtless  Bp  Wulstan's  chaplain,  of  whom  Osbert  has  told  us^ 

1  The  last  gracious  gift  which  I  received  from  the  illustrious  scholar  was  this  beautiful 
product  of  his  declining  years,  with  which  he  reprinted  one  of  the  essays  of  his  youth. 
Within  a  year  has  followed  the  '  Priez  pour  Lui.' 

^  See  below,  p.  31. 


IV.    Details  of  Administration. 


1.    Domestic  Rule. 

When  Lanfranc  came  to  Canterbury,  he  drew  up  for  the  regulation 
of  the  monks  of  Christ  Church  a  book  of  Customs,  which  found  its  way 
into  many  of  the  English  monasteries  and  was  known  sometimes  as 
the  Customs  of  Canterbury  and  sometimes  as  the  Customs  of  Bec\  It 
represented  the  result  of  the  experience  of  Lanfranc  and  Anselm,  as 
gained  and  formulated  in  the  eager  life  of  Herluin's  new  foundation; 
but  it  rested  largely  on  earlier  codes  which  can  be  traced  back  through 
Fecamp  and  Dijon  to  Cluny  and  even  to  that  strenuous  reformer  Benedict 
of  Aniane.  Lanfranc  made  some  modifications  in  detail  in  deference 
to  English  traditions,  though  in  general  he  was  not  sympathetic  in 
dealing  with  the  religious  life  of  his  new  fellow-countrymen.  We  can 
hardly  doubt  that  this  code,  which  Gilbert  must  have  seen  in  force  at 
Canterbury,  was  brought  by  him  to  Westminster.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
considerable  portions  of  it  are  embodied  word  for  word  in  the  thirteenth 
century  Customary  of  Abbot  Ware.  Vitalis,  who  had  come  to  West- 
minster from  Bernay,  which  was  a  cell  of  F6camp,  must  have  paved 
the  way  for  the  peaceable  introduction  of  the  new  regulations.  From 
Lanfranc's  book  a  picture  might  easily  be  drawn  of  the  daily  life  of 
Westminster  Abbey  at  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century ;  but  we  must 
confine  ourselves  here  to  the  more  laborious  task  of  gathering  together 
such  scattered  notices  as  can  be  found  in  charters  or  elsewhere  of 
Abbot  Gilbert's  rule. 

Much  of  an  abbot's  energy  was  of  necessity  expended  on  the  trouble- 
some business  of  managing  and  safeguarding  his  abbey  estates;  and 
what  is  perhaps  the  earliest  of  all  the  charters  addressed  to  Abbot 
Gilbert  reminds  us  that  he  came  to  his  task  just  when  the  great  Survey 

1  Lanfranc's  Monastic  Constitutions  were  printed  in  Eeyner's  Apostolatus  Bene- 
dictinorum  (1626),  and  thence  by  D'Achery,  Lanfranci  Opera  (1648) :  they  were  printed 
again  by  Wilkins,  Concilia,  i  328,  in  1737.  I  have  discussed  their  title  and  manuscript 
tradition  in  Journal  of  Theol.  Studies,  April  1909. 


Details  of  Administration 


29 


of  England  was  being  completed  ^  Gilbert  indeed  found  time,  as  we 
shall  presently  see,  for  a  good  deal  of  literary  work  ;  and  we  cannot 
doubt  that  he  would  take  a  share  in  the  teaching  of  the  more  capable 
of  his  younger  monks. 

All  the  details  of  domestic  management  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
prior;  and  we  are  fortunate  in  knowing  something  of  one  of  Gilbert's 
priors.  Two  charters  remain  which  are  attested  by  '  Robertus  prior  2.' 
Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1102  this  Robert  succeeded  another 
Robert  as  abbot  of  St  Edmund's.  The  story  given  by  the  Bury  annalists 
is  as  follows.  Immediately  on  his  accession  in  1100  King  Henry  began 
to  fill  up  the  abbeys  which  the  Red  King  had  kept  vacant  in  order  that 
he  might  draw  their  revenues.  He  appointed  to  St  Edmund's  Robert, 
the  illegitimate  son  of  Hugh,  count  of  Chester.  The  appointment  was 
against  the  will  of  the  monks,  and  Anselm  wrote  to  Abbot  Roger  of 
St  Evroul  warning  him  and  his  monk  Robert  of  the  wickedness  of  such 
an  intrusion,  and  refusing  to  consecrate  the  abbot-designate^.  At  the 
council  held  in  Westminster  at  Michaelmas,  1102,  Robert  was  deposed. 
Then  '  Robertus,  prior  Westmonasterii,  vir  magnae  religionis,  abbatiam 
suscepit^'  Robert  had  not  been  consecrated  when  Anselm's  second 
exile  began  in  April,  1103:  but  he  ruled  his  abbey,  none  the  less,  for 
more  than  four  years;  and  he  built  'claustrum,  capitulum,  refectorium, 
dormitorium,  et  cameram  suam.'  At  last  he  was  consecrated  by  Anselm 
on  15  Aug.  1107 :  but  after  four  weeks  and  four  days  he  died  (16  Sep. 
1107).  He  was  remembered  as  a  model  administrator:  'qui  quidem 
inter  omnes  abbates  optimus  custoditor  et  adquisitor  terrarum  lau- 
datur^.'  We  hear  of  him  long  afterwards  in  one  of  Jocelin  of  Brake- 
lond's  gossipping  stories.  To  annoy  Abbot  Sampson,  we  are  told, 
Robert's  anniversary  was  celebrated  in  1197  with  unusual  bell-ringing, 

1  This  is  the  famous  Charter  no.  xxiv,  exhibited  in  the  Chapter  House  : 

W.  rex  Anglorum  R.  vicecomiti  et  omnibus  ministris  suis  in  Suthreia  sal'.  Sciatis 
quia  pro  salute  anim^  me§  concede  deo  et  sancto  Petro  Westmonasterii  et  abbati  G.  viii 
hidas  de  manerio  Piriford,  qu§  in  dominio  meo  sunt  infra  forestam  de  Windlesores, 
quietas  amodo  semper  et  liberas  a  scoto  et  ab  omni  mea  consuetudine  et  censu  pecuni^ 
qu^  geld  vocatur  anglic^.  T'.  W.  episcopo  Dunel'  et  I.  Taileb'.  Post  descriptionem 
totius  Angli^. 

For  Rannulf  sheriff  of  Surrey,  see  below,  charter  no.  2 :  for  William  bp  of  Durham  and 
Ivo  Taillebois,  no.  4.  Henry  I's  confirmation  of  this  charter  (no.  19)  mentions  the  new 
geld  'propter  hidagium.'  Another  charter  which  has  'post  descriptionem  Anglie ' 
(D.  f.  489  h)  is  printed  in  my  edition  of  Flete's  Hintory  (p.  141) ;  but  it  is  obviously  not 
genuine  in  the  form  there  given. 

2  See  below,  p.  38,  and  charter  no.  13.  ^  Anselm,  Epp.  iv  14. 
*  Ann.  S.  Edmundi,  Rolls  S.  11  4.  '  Ibid,  in  355  f. 


30 


Gilbert  Orispin 


on  the  ground  that  he  had  done  a  noble  deed — 'qui  distinxit  res  et 
redditus  nostros  a  rebus  et  redditibus  abbatis^' 

Returning  now  to  Westminster,  where  Robert  had  learned  the  art 
of  administration  which  he  exercised  so  well,  we  find  that  Abbot  Gilbert 
himself  was  specially  remembered  on  his  anniversary  for  having  '  ex- 
tended the  camera,'  making  assignment  for  the  clothing  of  eighty 
monks 2.  This  notice  has  a  twofold  interest.  For,  first,  it  is  the  only 
information  we  have  as  to  the  number  of  the  monks  in  the  Norman 
period,  and  in  this  respect  it  matches  well  with  the  great  scale  of  the 
abbey  buildings,  especially  the  dormitory,  refectory  and  cloister.  The 
number,  so  far  as  we  can  tell,  never  rose  above  this  figure :  our  earliest 
lists  of  names  in  the  chamberlain's  rolls  shew  us  that  in  the  fourteenth 
century  the  average  was  about  fifty-two^.  And,  secondly,  this  is  our 
first  express  notice  of  the  system  by  which  the  various  obedientiaries 
had  their  own  endowments  out  of  which  they  discharged  the  respon- 
sibilities of  their  offices.  That  the  almoner,  as  well  as  the  chamberlain, 
was  thus  endowed  is  suggested  by  a  charter  of  Gilbert's  which  mentions 
the  'domus  elemosinaria*.' 

As  to  the  extent  of  the  abbot's  own  household  we  have  little  to 
guide  us;  but  among  witnesses  to  charters  we  find  names  of  persons 
'  de  familia  abbatis ' ;  and  these  include  William  the  chaplain,  Herbert 
the  steward  (dispensator),  and  William  the  chamberlain^ 

We  may  also  note  at  this  point  a  royal  confirmation  to  Hugh  de 
Coleham  of  the  office  of  '  dapifer '  of  the  abbey — '  videlicet,  ut  ipse 
Hugo  totius  praedictae  abbatiae  sit  dapifer  et  sub  abbate  procurator, 
et  heredes  sui  post  eum...sicut  unquam  aliquis  ante  eum  illud  officium 
melius  ac  liberius  tenuit^'  This  office,  which  was  even  then  not  a 
new  one,  has  waxed  and  waned  in  importance  in  the  course  of  the 
centuries:  it  reached  its  zenith  when  it  was  held  by  Lord  Burleigh  in 
the  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  it  survives  to-day  in  the  honourable 
sinecure  of  the  Lord  High  Steward  of  Westminster. 

1  Jocelin,  ibid,  i  291  f.  ^  Flete,  p.  87. 

Thus  there  were  51  in  1329  ;  52  in  1347 ;  35  in  1355  (the  numbers  having  fallen 
owing  to  the  Black  Death).    In  1429  there  were  54. 

*  Below,  p.  38.  5  Below,  no.  37. 

^  Rymer,  Foedera,  i  Pt  i,  p.  2  (ed.  1816).  By  this  charter  K.  William  confirms  a  grant 
of  Abbot  Gilbert  and  the  convent.  The  date  therefore  must  fall  between  1085  and  1100. 
The  attestations  present  a  curious  difficulty  {T.  Roberto  comite  de  Mellent,  Rogero  Bigot, 
Roberto  de  Bello  3Ionte),  the  first  and  third  being  different  names  of  the  same  person. 
Mr  Hubert  Hall  has  kindly  collated  the  text  with  the  Cartae  Antiquae  from  which  it  is 
derived,  and  finds  no  variant.  For  Hugh  de  Coleham,  see  below,  no.  27,  where  he  appears 
among  '  homines  abbatis '  [c.  1088 — 97]. 


Details  of  Administration 


31 


The  names  of  but  few  of  Abbot  Gilbert's  monks  have  come  down  to 
us.  Nicholas,  William  and  Herbert,  as  well  as  Robert  the  prior,  attest 
the  grant  to  William  Baynard  which  is  printed  below  ^.  These  were 
probably  all  Normans:  for,  though  there  was  a  chapel  of  St  Nicholas 
in  the  Confessor's  church,  that  saint  was  but  little  known  in  England 
before  the  Normans  stole  him  from  Myra  in  1096,  brought  him  to 
Bari,  and  sent  his  fame  over  the  world.  Nor  did  monks  in  those  days 
take  new  names  on  entering  a  monastery.  Herbert  may  well  be  the 
almoner  who  many  years  later  succeeded  to  Abbot  Gilbert's  place.  It 
is  possible  that  he  followed  Gilbert  from  Bee;  for  we  find  a  Herbert 
on  the  roll  of  Bee  monks  about  the  year  1184^. 

We  find  the  names  of  Hugh  and  Warner  in  a  Malvern  charter, 
which  recites  how  these  two  monks  stepped  out  the  limits  of  a  property 
which  Gilbert  and  the  convent  made  over  to  the  new  priory^.  These 
again  are  not  likely  to  have  been  Englishmen*.  Of  Warner  we  happen 
to  know  something  more  :  for  the  Ely  records  tell  us  that  when  St  Ethel- 
dreda  was  translated  in  1107,  and  other  saints  were  being  moved  at  the 
same  time,  an  accident  which  had  occurred  to  St  Withburga's  coffin  led 
to  the  discovery  that  her  body  was  still  incorrupt.  None  dared  remove 
the  face-cloth,  till  one  of  the  visitors  on  the  great  occasion,  a  holy  man, 
Warner  by  name,  '  of  the  apostolic  fold  of  Westminster,'  ventured  to 
reveal  her  fair  countenance  and  to  lift  her  still  flexible  arms^.  Doubt- 
less he  had  assisted  at  the  uncovering  of  St  Edward  some  five  years 
before. 

There  is  one  more  name,  which  again  has  a  foreign  sound.  When 
King  Edward  and  Count  Leofric  together  saw  the  child  Christ  in  the 
eucharist,  the  king  bound  the  count  to  secrecy.  At  a  later  day  Leofric 
confided  the  vision  to  his  confessor,  a  monk  of  Worcester:  charging 
him  to  write  it  down,  lest  it  be  lost,  but  not  to  reveal  it  in  the  king's 
lifetime.  He  laid  up  the  parchment  in  a  box  among  the  relics,  and 
long  afterwards  the  box  fell  to  pieces  and  the  secret  was  disclosed. 
Among  those  who  saw  the  document  and  heard  it  read  out  in  the 
church,  was  Bishop  Wulstan's  chaplain,  '  Mauricius  subdiaconus  sancti 
Wulstani  Wigorniensis  episcopi.'    He  when  his  master  died  became 

»  P.  38.  2  Poree,  Hist,  du  Bee,  i  631. 

3  Below,  p.  33. 

<  We  find  a  Warnerius  among  the  monks  of  Bee,  c.  1070  (Poree,  tb.  629) :  this  may  be 
the  same  man. 

*  Liher  Eliensis  (ed.  Stewart)  p.  296 :  '  quidam  senior  ex  apostolico  ovili  West- 
monasterii,  Warnerus  nomine.' 


32 


Gilbert  Crispin 


a  monk  of  Westminster,  and  a  pattern  of  devotion  for  full  twenty 
years  ^. 

The  narrator  of  this  tale  is  Osbert  of  Clare,  who  whatever  his  name 
may  suggest  was  probably  an  Englishman.  This  strange  personage, 
who  fills  the  chief  place  in  the  abbey's  history  after  Abbot  Gilbert's 
death,  must  have  entered  the  monastery  some  time  before  that  event : 
but  his  perplexing  history  does  not  concern  us  here^. 

One  nameless  monk  must  be  added  to  the  list — the  London  Jew 
who  was  converted  and  baptised  as  the  result  of  Gilbert's  discussion 
with  the  learned  Jew  from  Mainz  ^. 


2.    Foundation  of  Priories. 

Soon  after  his  appointment  Gilbert  was  called  upon  to  make  a  new 
departure  in  the  history  of  the  abbey.  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville*,  the 
sheriff  of  London  and  Middlesex,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  functions 
and  estates  of  Esgar,  the  staller  of  King  Edward,  had  buried  his  first 
wife  Athelais  in  the  unfinished  cloister  at  Westminster,  and  had 
granted  to  the  convent  for  her  soul's  sake  certain  lands  at  Tilbury^ 
At  a  later  period,  having  made  provision  to  be  buried  by  her  side,  he 
granted  also  the  manor  of  Eye  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the 
abbey ^.  Meanwhile  he  was  designing,  with  the  concurrence  of  his 
second  wife  Lesceline,  a  benefaction  on  a  far  larger  scale.  Among  the 
possessions  of  Esgar  to  which  Geoffrey  had  succeeded  was  the  manor 
of  Hurley  on  the  Thames,  and  here  he  proposed  to  found  a  priory  in 
subjection  to  the  abbey  of  Westminster.  There  was  already  a  church 
in  the  place,  and  this  was  probably  enlarged  or  rebuilt.  Osmund 
the  bishop  of  Sarum,  in  whose  diocese  it  lay,  came  to  dedicate  it 
afresh  as  the  priory  church  of  St  Mary  of  Hurley ;  and  he  and  the  new 

1  Osbert's  Life  of  St  Edward,  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  ms  36,737  f.  147. 

^  I  have  attempted  to  unravel  his  story  in  an  article  in  the  Church  Quarterly  Review 
(July  1909) ;  but  many  of  his  letters  still  await  publication. 
8  See  below,  p.  82. 

4  He  was  grandfather  of  Geoffrey  of  Mandeville,  first  earl  of  Essex,  the  subject  of 
Dr  Horace  Round's  valuable  study.  I  desire  here  to  express  my  great  obligation  to 
Dr  Round's  works.  As  he  did  not  deal  at  any  length  with  the  first  Geoffrey,  the  benefactor 
of  Westminster,  I  have  taken  the  more  pains  to  collect  notices  of  him  from  the  Westminster 
documents :  see  below,  Selected  Charters  nos.  1—7,  etc. 

=  See  below,  charter  of  Will.  I  (no.  1),  granted  before  1086,  while  Suain  was  still  sheriff 
of  Essex  :  '  pro  anima  uxoris  que  illic  jacet.' 

«  See  below,  charter  of  G.  de  M.,  no.  15,  and  confirmations  by  Will.  II  and  Hen.  I, 
nos.  16,  20. 


Details  of  Administration 


33 


abbot  Gilbert  solemnly  invoked  the  fate  of  the  traitor  Judas  and  the 
doom  of  Korah  and  Dathan  on  any  who  should  violate  this  pious 
foundation. 

The  charter  was  written  out  thrice  on  one  piece  of  vellum,  which 
was  then  cut,  so  that  one  copy  might  be  given  to  the  abbey  and  another 
to  the  priory,  while  the  third  remained  with  the  founder  and  his  heirs. 
The  middle  copy  of  the  three  still  exists  with  the  founder's  seal 
attached:  it  came  with  many  other  Hurley  charters  to  the  abbey 
muniment  room  when  Henry  VIII  in  1536  dissolved  the  priory,  and 
gave  back  its  site  to  Westminster,  in  exchange  forsooth  for  Hyde  Park 
and  other  valuable  lands  which  he  took  away.  The  charter  is  attested 
by  William  and  Richard,  the  sons  of  Geoffrey  by  his  first  wife.  It 
bears  no  date ;  but  the  foundation  cannot  well  be  put  later  than  1086, 
when  the  Conqueror  left  England  for  the  last  time:  for  the  founder 
says  that  he  had  obtained  the  king's  consent,  and  the  confirmatory 
charter  of  Henry  I  refers  to  the  grant  of  K.  William  his  father. 

The  history  of  Hurley  priory  has  been  told  by  the  present  vicar  of 
the  parish,  who  has  devoted  immense  pains  to  its  investigation.  In 
his  book,  St  Mary's,  Hurley,  he  has  given  an  abstract  of  562  Hurley 
charters  which  are  still  preserved  among  the  abbey  muniments  at 
Westminster. 

It  is  not  easy  to  determine  the  origin  of  the  priory  of  Great  Malvern, 
or  the  date  of  its  first  connexion  with  Westminster.  There  is,  however, 
probability  in  the  account  that  it  began  with  a  local  hermit  named 
Aldwyn  or  Alwy  in  the  time  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  and  that  Urse 
d'Abetot,  the  despotic  and  ill-famed  sheriff  of  Worcestershire,  founded 
the  priory  and  agreed  to  Aldwyn's  placing  it  under  the  abbot  of  West- 
minster^. This  robber  of  churches  may  well  have  made  some  such 
provision  for  his  future.  As  the  Domesday  Survey  says  nothing  of 
this  priory,  its  foundation  probably  must  belong  to  Abbot  Gilbert's 
time.  This  accords  with  a  charter  of  K.  Henry  I,  issued  c.  1125,  which 
grants  to  the  monks  of  Malvern  certain  lands,  'according  as  Gilbert 
abbot  of  Westminster  with  the  common  consent  of  the  chapter  of  the 
church  conceded  and  gave  them,  and  as  Hugh  and  Warner  the  monks 
perambulated  them  2.'    Gilbert  had  died  in  1117 ;  Warner,  one  of  his 

1  For  references  see  Miss  M.  M.  C.  Calthrop  in  Victoria  County  History,  Worcestershire, 
11 137. 

'  'Et  concede  eis  illas  terras  de  Wrdesfelde  et  de  Limberga  ilia  nova  essarta,  sicut 
Gislebertus  abbas  Westmonasterii  communi  consensu  capituli  ecclesiae  concessit  et  dedit, 
et  sicut  Hugo  et  Warnerus  monachi  ilia  perambulaverunt...et  concedo  illis  illam  virgatam 

B.  c.  3 


34 


Gilbert  Crispin 


monks,  of  whom  we  have  spoken  already  (p.  31),  was  probably  an  old  man 
when  he  visited  Ely  in  1106 ;  and  we  may  assume  that  Hugh,  as  he  is 
mentioned  first,  was  his  senior.  Abbot  Gilbert's  benefaction  probably 
belongs  to  the  moment  of  the  attachment  of  the  priory  to  Westminster, 
and  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  if  we  assign  the  transaction  to  the  early 
years  of  his  administration. 

These  two  priories  stood  in  very  different  relations  to  the  mother 
church.  The  prior  of  Great  Malvern  was  elected  by  his  brethren  on 
the  spot,  and  was  then  sent  up  to  Westminster  to  receive  the  abbot's 
confirmation ;  and  the  loyalty  of  the  priory  to  the  abbey  was  largely 
due  to  a  desire  to  escape  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  of  Worcester. 
The  priory  of  Hurley  was  a  smaller  foundation,  and  much  nearer  home : 
its  prior  was  chosen  from  among  the  senior  monks  of  Westminster: 
sometimes  he  returned  after  a  period  of  service,  in  one  instance  he 
came  back  to  be  abbot. 

One  other  priory  belonged  to  Westminster,  that  of  St  Bartholomew 
at  Sudbury.  This  was  founded  by  Wulfric,  the  king's  moneyer  at 
Norwich,  who  would  seem  to  have  died  as  a  monk  of  Westminster.  As 
the  king's  charter  is  attested  at  Westminster  by  Archbishop  Ralph,  it 
cannot  be  earlier  than  Easter  1114;  nor  can  it  be  later  than  Easter 
1116,  for  it  is  addressed  to  Herbert  Losinga,  the  bp  of  Norwich,  who 
died  before  the  king's  return  from  Normandy^.  Perhaps  the  most 
probable  date  is  the  council  held  at  Westminster  in  Sept.  1115,  just 
before  Bernard's  consecration  to  the  see  of  St  David's. 

Another  cell  of  Westminster  may  perhaps  have  been  contemplated 
in  Gilbert's  time,  though  it  was  actually  founded  under  his  successor, 
Abbot  Herbert :  for  in  the  first  endowment  of  the  canonesses  of  Kilbum, 
who  were  superintended  by  a  senior  monk  of  Westminster,  we  find 
mention  of  a  corrody  of  Abbot  Gilbert,  and  they  were  under  special 
obligation  to  pray  for  this  abbot's  soul''. 

terrae  in  Martuna  quam  Landricus  de  Clifford  reddidit  Gisliberto  abbati,  quam  Gislebertus 
dedit  monacbis  de  Malvernia,  sicut  ipse  Gislebertus  abbas  consensu  communis  capituli 
earn  eis  dedit  et  concessit '  Monasticon,  iii  448. 

'  Monasticon  iii  459  (from  Faustina  A.  ni,  f.  79) :  H.  rex  Angl'  Herberto  episcopo 
Norwic'  et  Haymoni  dapifero  et  burgensibus  de  Suthbery...Sciatis  me  concessisse  deo 
et  sancto  Petro  et  mon'  Westm'  pro  redemptione  animae  meae  ecclesiam  sancti  Bartholomei 
de  Suthberia,  quam  Wlfricus  monetarius  meus  ad  usum  monachorum  inibi  servientium 
eis  dederat  pro  fraternitate  et  monachatu  suo  quern  ibidem  susceperat....Test'  B.  archie- 
piscopo,  R.  episcopo  London',  R.  episcopo  Sarum,  R.  cane',  Nigillo  de  Albineio,  et  aliis 
multis  apud  Westm'. 

Can  this  Wulfric  be  the  same  person  as  'Wlfricus  taynus  cognomine  Bordewayte,' 
who  held  '  Totenhala '  before  William  Baynard  (see  p.  38)  ? 
2  Liber  Niger  Quatemus,  f.  125. 


Details  of  Administration 


35 


3.  Building. 

The  new  abbey  of  Westminster  had  been  planned  on  a  splendid 
scale.  King  Edward  had  built  a  great  church  in  a  style  unknown 
before  in  England,  after  the  pattern  of  the  church  of  Jumieges,  whose 
abbot  he  had  brought  over  and  made  bishop  of  London^.  We  can 
hardly  suppose  that  he  had  completed  much  else  of  the  monastic 
buildings.  The  long  undercroft  beneath  the  dormitory  may  belong 
to  his  time ;  and  sufficient  indications  remain  elsewhere  to  shew  that 
the  general  scheme  had  been  fixed.  Doubtless  Abbot  Edwin  carried 
forward  the  work ;  and,  if  it  slackened  during  Geoffrey's  brief  misrule, 
we  may  be  certain  that  Vitalis  pressed  it  on  again.  Before  Gilbert 
came  the  dormitory  was  probably  finished  and  the  refectory  well 
begun:  for  Vitalis  lies  in  the  east  part  of  the  south  cloister  walk, 
under  the  refectory  wall. 

A  happy  chance  has  preserved  to  us  the  information  that  Gilbert 
completed  the  cloister  before  the  year  1100.  In  1807  a  piece  of 
carved  stone  was  found  in  a  wall  between  two  taverns  which  were  then 
being  pulled  down.  This  wall  was  the  only  surviving  fragment  of  a 
gateway  in  King  Street,  built  by  King  Richard  III  in  1484,  and 
demolished  in  1706.  The  stone  was  one  of  the  capitals  from  the  old 
Norman  cloister,  and  had  a  broken  inscription  which  seemed  to  mean 
that  the  cloister  and  refectory  (?)  were  finished  under  William  II  and 
Abbot  Gilbert^.  Three  sides  of  the  stone  are  figured  in  Brayley  and 
Britten's  Ancient  Palace  of  Westminster,  pp.  416,  445  f.,  and  again  in 
plate  XXXV ;  but  the  stone  is  now  lost^.  Some  similar  capitals,  together 
with  other  fragments  of  the  ancient  cloister,  are  now  preserved  in  the 
Norman  undercroft. 

1  See  The  Church  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  in  Archaeologia,  lxii  pp.  81 — 100,  where 
I  have  endeavoured  to  describe  the  church  as  St  Edward  left  it. 

^  The  lettering  on  the  three  sides  appears  in  the  reproductions  to  read  as  follows : 
•claustrulni]'  et  rel 
If  sub  abb[at]e  Gisle 
H'illelmo  •  secun 

The  carving  may  be  later  than  Abbot  Gilbert's  time  ;  but  none  the  less  the  record  may  be 
true. 

^  The  drawiugs  were  made  by  Mr  William  Capon,  who  'sold  the  Capital  to  Sir  Gregory 
Page  Turner,  Bart,  for  one  hundred  guineas'  {ibid.  p.  446).  I  have  failed  as  yet  to  discover 
the  present  resting-place  of  this  precious  fragment.  Since  the  above  was  written  a  full 
account  of  all  that  is  known  of  this  stone  has  appeared  in  Notes  and  Queries  (Sept.  3, 
1910,  p.  181)  in  a  letter  from  Mr  Robert  Pierpoint. 

3—2 


36 


Gilbert  Crispin 


We  can  have  little  doubt  that  Gilbert  built  the  abbot's  camera  (or 
capella,  or  perhaps  both)  over  the  locutory  which  formed  the  entrance 
to  the  cloister  at  its  S.W.  angle.  A  similar  arrangement  is  to  be  seen 
in  the  prior's  (at  first  the  abbot's)  lodging  at  Gloucester,  and  formerly 
existed  at  Abingdon'. 

4.    Exemption  and  Sanctxmry. 

To  Abbot  Gilbert's  time  belongs  the  first  document  which  can 
pretend  to  any  validity  in  the  long  strife  between  the  abbey  and  the 
bishop  of  London.  This  document,  if  genuine,  is  the  earliest  of  our 
genuine  papal  bulls,  being  a  letter  of  Paschal  II  (1099 — 1118)  to  King 
Henry  I,  dated  at  the  Lateran  'iv  Kal.  lulii.'  It  falls  within  the  last 
half  of  Gilbert's  period  of  rule  ;  but  we  cannot  fix  the  date  more  nearly, 
or  decide  whether  Maurice,  who  died  26  Sept.  1107,  or  Richard  de 
Belmeis,  who  was  consecrated  26  July,  1108,  was  the  aggressor  whom 
the  pope  restrained:  both  alike  were  ambitious  and  contentious 
prelates. 

Gilbert  in  appealing  to  the  pope  had  referred  to  the  controversy  as 
having  originated  with  Robert,  Edward's  bishop  whom  he  had  brought 
from  the  abbey  of  Jumieges  and  who  probably  had  no  small  share 
in  directing  the  building  of  the  new  abbey  church  at  Westminster. 
Robert  had  insisted,  it  would  seem,  as  against  Abbot  Wulnoth  (tl049), 
on  the  right  of  entry  and  of  receiving  various  procurations.  The  pope 
now  declares  the  abbey  free  'ab  omni  servitio  et  dominatione  episco- 
pali...ita  ut  nullus  episcopus,  sive  Londoniensis  seu  quicunque  aliquis 
alius,  illuc  introeat  ordinaturus  aut  aliquid  sive  in  maximo  sive  in 
minimo  praecepturus,  nisi  propria  abbatis  ex  petitione  et  monachorum 
communi  utilitatel' 

The  question  of  the  authenticity  of  this  letter  must  remain  at 
present  undecided.  Struggles  for  exemption  have  been  a  frequent 
source  of  forgery :  but  monastic  forgery  offers  a  problem  which  needs  a 
critical  investigation.  It  is  easy  to  dismiss  a  document,  and  to  misread 
history  as  the  result. 

>  Hist.  Ahingd.  Kolls  S.  ii  286  :  Abbot  Faricius  (1100—1115)  '  omnia  a  fundamentis 
aedificavit,  sicut  hodie  cernitur  :  scilicet  claustrum,  capitulum,  dormitorium,  refectorium, 
lavatorium,  cellarium,  coquinam,  duo  locutoria,  unum  ad  orientem  juxta  capitulum,  aliud 
ad  occidentem  sub  capella  abbatis.' 

2  See  the  extract  from  the  bull  in  Flete's  History,  p.  48 ;  and,  for  a  further  extract, 
p.  17  of  the  introduction.  This  bull  afterwards  provided  phraseology  for  the  pretended 
Third  Charter  of  the  Confessor :  see  ibid.  p.  15.  It  likewise  formed  the  starting-point 
of  the  Second  Charter  which  is  dated  1045  {Monasticon,  i  295). 


Details  of  Administration 


37 


The  question  of  sanctuary  at  Westminster  has  never  yet  received  a 
proper  examination.  This  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  its  origin,  history 
or  results:  but  we  may  call  attention  to  what  appears  to  be  the  earliest 
trustworthy  evidence  with  regard  to  it  which  is  still  extant.  The 
following  are  copies  of  writs  of  Abbot  Gilbert,  which  were  probably 
kept  as  precedents  for  the  guidance  of  later  abbots. 

Gilbertus  abbas  et  conventus  Westm'  omnibus  fidelibus  regis  Angliae  salutem. 
Sciatis  quod  iste  Jordanus  altare  sancti  Petri  Westm'  et  corpus  regis  Edwardi  requi- 
sivit:  et  ideo  precamur  ut  libertatem  sui  corporis  et  pacem  regis  habeat.  Valeted 

G.  abbod  and  alle  tha  brodera  on  Westmynstr'  gretith  X.  schirerefan  on  estsex' 
godesgretyng"  and  owr".  And  we  kythath  the  that  this  man  R.  hafeth  ge  soht' 
Crist  and  seint  Petr'  and  Edwarde  kynges  reste  and  alle  thon  halidom  th'  inne  thone 
halighan  mynstr'  is.  Now  bidde  we  the  for  godes  lofan  and  for  thaer'  sokne  th'  he 
ge  soght'  haueth  th'  thu  hine  ge  myltsie  and  forgif  swa  what  swa  he  gilt  hafeth. 
God  the  ge  behalde.    amen  2. 

The  later  hand,  which  has  copied  these  writs  on  a  blank  page  of 
the  Westminster  '  Domesday,'  has  written  over  them :  '  De  fugitivis 
visitantibus  feretrum  regis  Edwardi  nondum  canonizati.'  Two  other 
Latin  writs  of  Abbot  'G.'  on  the  same  page  clearly  belong  to  Abbot 
Gervase,  as  is  seen  by  comparing  a  writ  of  his  quoted  in  the  Monasticon 
(l  310):  the  formula  has  grown  by  this  time,  and  it  speaks  of  the 
privilege  as  granted  'ab  antiquis  Angliae  regibus,' 


5.    Knight  Service. 

The  question  of  knight  service,  as  aflfecting  ecclesiastical  corpora- 
tions in  the  time  of  William  the  Conqueror,  has  been  investigated  by 
Dr  Round,  who  shews  that  a  servitium  debitiim  was  imposed  on  the 
abbeys  by  that  king,  the  number  of  knights  required  being  as  a  rule 
some  multiple  of  five^.  He  notes  that  for  Westminster  in  particular 
the  exact  number  is  difficult  to  fix*.  It  may  be  useful  here  to  bring 
together  such  early  references  to  knights  of  Westminster  as  can  at 
present  be  discovered :  and  we  may  begin  with  a  document  which  has 
not  yet  been  printed. 

*  D.  f.  82  b.  Compare  a  writ  of  Abbot  Herbert  in  the  same  words  on  behalf  of 
'Jordanus  de  Wygorn '  (Monasticon,  1  310). 

^  There  is  a  similar  writ  of  '  Gisilberd  abbod '  on  behalf  of  Deormaa  in  Monasticon, 
I  310. 

^  Feudal  England,  pp.  296—307.  Ihid.  p.  252. 


38 


Gilbert  Crispin 


Anno  (lomiiiice  incarnationis  millesimo  lxxx"  ni°.  Nos  Gilbertiis  abbas  et 
conventus  Westm'  concessimus  Willelmo  Baynard  quoddam  berwicum  de  villa 
AVestm',  nomine  Totenhala,  ad  se  hospitandum  et  tota  vita  sua  tenendum,  pro 
servicio  unius  militis,  cum  omnibus  rebus  illi  pertinentibus,  ita  bene  et  quiete  sicut 
unquam  AVlfricus  taynus  cognomine  Bordewayte  melius  de  ecclesia  illud  tenuerat. 
consuetudines  igitur  et  libertates  quas  nos  in  eodem  habemus  ipse  Willelmus 
habebit ;  exceptis  auxiliis  nostris,  que  inde  sicut  in  aliis  ecclesie  terris  de  militibus 
nostris  accipiemus  ;  et  exceptis  decimis  illius  terra  domui  elemosinarie  nostre  con- 
stitutis.  hec  vero  sibi  tenenda  concessimus  pro  amore  et  servicio  quod  ecclesie 
nostre  contulit,  eo  tamen  tenore  ut  post  ejus  decessum  terra  ilia  predicta  soluta 
ecclesie  nostre  maneat  et  quieta.  et  super  eo  quidem  affidavit  nos  predictus 
Willelmus,  quod  nec  terram  prefatam  vendet  nec  in  vadium  ponet  nec  alicui  ad 
dampnum  ecclesie  nostre  dimittet.  Test',  Roberto  priore,  Nicholao,  Willelmo  et 
Herberto  monachis,  Radulpho  Baynard,  Herlewyno  fratre  Grunzonis,  etmultis  aliis'. 

The  date  of  this  document  presents  a  difficulty  which  I  have 
discussed  elsewhere^.  It  is  possible  that  it  formed  no  part  of  the 
original  document ;  and  in  any  case  it  may  be  due  to  the  error  of  the 
late  copyist  who  has  wTitten  it  into  a  vacant  space  of  the  Westminster 
'  Domesday.'  Even  if  we  date  the  charter  a  few  years  later,  it  still 
remains  a  very  early  instance  of  the  enfeoffment  of  a  knight  by  an 
abbot. 

The  grant  is  made  to  William  Baynard,  and  it  is  attested  by  Ralph 
Baynard.  Who  are  these  Baynards,  and  how  do  they  stand  in  relation 
to  the  Baynard  who  gave  his  name  to  Baynard's  Castle  on  the  Thames, 
near  the  present  Blackfriars  Bridge  ?  Three  Baynards  meet  us  in  the 
records  and  chronicles  of  this  period — Geoffrey,  Ralph  and  William. 

(1)  Geoffrey.  A  grant  of  William  I  of  land  at  York  for  a  hospital 
is  addressed  to  'Galfridus  Baynardus'  (?  as  sheriff)^:  and  according  to 
the  A.S.  Chron.  {sub  anno  1096)  Geoffrey  Bainard  accused  William  of 
Eu,  the  king's  kinsman,  of  treason  at  Salisbury,  and  overcame  him  in 
single  combat.  A  list  of  the  benefactors  to  Lewes  Priory  includes 
'  Geoffrey  Bainard  and  Ralph  his  brother*.' 

(2)  Ralph.  Of  Ralph  Baynard  we  further  know  that  before  the 
Survey  he  was  sheriff  of  Essex,  and  at  the  time  of  the  Survey  he  held 
lands  in  several  parts  of  that  county ^    He  is  one  of  those  to  whom  is 

1  D.  f.  82,  inserted  in  a  fifteenth  century  hand. 

2  Flete's  Hist,  of  Westm.  pp.  141  f. 

"  Historians  of  York,  Kolls  S.  iii  163  n. 

*  '  Ecclesiam  de  Essenduna  dedit  nobis  Gaufredus  Bainardus  et  Radulfus  frater  ejus ' 
(Monast.  v  14) :  see  also  the  confirmatory  charter  of  Stephen  in  Round's  Doc.  pres.  in 
France,  p.  512. 

'  For  Ralph  as  a  Domesday  tenant,  see  Round,  Feudal  England,  pp.  461,  475. 


Details  of  Admmistration 


39 


addressed  a  writ  of  William  I  confirming  to  Abbot  Vitalis  among  other 
properties  the  mill  at  Stratford  (co.  Essex):  this  is  previous  to  the 
Survey'.  So,  doubtless,  is  the  famous  writ  concerning  Church  courts, 
which  is  addressed  to  R.  Baynard,  G.  de  Mandeville  and  P.  de  Valognes, 
and  all  the  liege  men  of  Essex,  Hertfordshire  and  Middlesex^. 

(3)  William.  A  charter  printed  below  (no.  27)  speaks  of  William 
Baynard  as  one  of  the  witnesses  to  a  restoration  of  lands  in  Worcester- 
shire, c.  1090—1097.  The  A.S.  Chronicle,  suh  anno  1110,  says  that 
William  Baynard  forfeited  his  lands  to  the  king. 

The  Chronicle  of  Dunmow,  cited  in  the  Monasticon  (vi  147)  from 
Cleop.  C.  Ill  f  29,  says,  under  the  year  1104,  that  'Juga  Baynard  domina 
de  parva  Dunmowe  fecit  Mauricium  episcopum  Londoniensem  dedicare 
ecclesiam  de  dicta  villa';  and,  under  1106,  that  '  Galfridus  Baynard 
filius  et  haeres  Jugae  Baynard'  introduced  canons  with  the  assent  of 
Archbp  Anselm.  Then,  under  1111,  it  relates  that  William  Baynard, 
'  sub  quo  domina  J uga  tenebat  villam  de  parva  Dunmowe,'  lost  his 
barony  'per  infortunium  et  feloniam';  and  that  K.  Henry  gave  it 
to  Robert  fitz  Richard,  who  was  the  son  of  Richard  fitz  Gilbert,  count 
of  Clare,  together  with  the  Honor  of  Castle  Baynard. 

Information  derived  from  this  source  must  be  accepted  with  caution. 
Geoffrey  is  here  represented  as  the  son  of  Juga  (or  it  may  be  read 
'  Inga ')  Baynard.  But  the  point  which  specially  interests  us  is  the 
descent  of  the  Honor  of  Castle  Baynard :  for  with  it  went  the  West- 
minster knight's  fee.  Robert  fitz  Richard  had  a  son  Walter  fitz  Robert, 
and  in  due  course  the  properties  came  to  Robert  fitz  Walter.  Now  in 
1166  we  find  William  Baynard's  W^estminster  fee  evidently  held  by  the 
second  generation  of  his  successors :  for  in  the  list  of  enfeoffed  knights 
of  the  abbot  of  Westminster  we  read :  '  In  Middlesex  Walterus  filius 
Roberti  ser\dcium  i  militis,  quod  diflforciat^' 

We  have  next  to  ask  what  is  the  relation,  if  any,  of  this  grant  to 
the  statement  as  to  land  held  at  Westminster  by  '  Bainiardus '  in  the 
Domesday  Survey.  It  will  be  well  to  transcribe  the  whole  entry  for 
the  '  vill '  of  Westminster  at  this  point. 

Terra  sancti  Petri  Westmon'.    In  Osuluestane  Hundr'. 

In  villa  ubi  sedet  ecclesia  sancti  Petri  tenet  abbas  ejnsdem  loci  xiii  hid'  et  dim' 
Terra  est  ad  xi  car".  Ad  dominium  pertinent  ix  hid'  et  i  virg',  et  ibi  sunt  iiii  car' 
Villani  habent  vi  car',  et  i  car"  plus  potest  fieri.    Ibi  ix  villani  quisqne  de  i  virg',  et 

1  Printed  below,  no.  2.  Stubbs,  Select  Charters,  85. 

^  Lib.  Nig.  Scacc.  i  51,  quoted  in  Momisticon,  i  307. 


40 


Gilbert  Crispin 


i  villaniis  de  i  hid',  et  ix  villani  quisque  de  dim'  virg' ;  et  i  cotarius  de  v  acris,  et 
xli  cotarii  qui  reddunt  per  annum  xl  sol'  pro  ortis  suis.  Pratum  xi  car'.  Pastura  ad 
pecuniam  ville.  Silva  c  pore',  et  xxv  donius  militum  abbatis  et  aliorura  liominuni  qui 
reddunt  viii  sol'  per  annum.  In  tot'  valent'  val'  x  libr'.  Quando  recep'  similiter. 
T.R.E.  xii  libr'.   Hoc  manerium  fuit  et  est  in  dominio  ecclesie  saucti  Petri  Westm'. 

In  eadem  villa  tenet  Bainiardus  iii  hid'  de  abbate.  Terra  est  ad  ii  car',  et  ibi 
sunt  in  dominio,  et  i  cotarius.  Silva  c  pore'.  Pastura  ad  pecuniam.  Ibi  iv  arpenni 
vinee  noviter  plantatae.  In  tot'  valent'  val'  Ix  sol'.  Quando  recep'  xx  sol'.  T.R.E. 
vi  lib'.    Hec  terra  jacuit  et  jacet  in  ecclesia  sancti  Petri. 

We  proceed  to  investigate  the  'berewic  of  the  vill  of  Westminster 
called  Totenhala,'  which  Abbot  Gilbert  granted  to  William  Baynard  for 
the  service  of  one  knight.  Is  this  to  be  identified  with  the  three  hides 
in  the  same  'vill'  which  Baynard  holds  of  the  abbot  in  the  Survey  ? 

At  the  first  glance  the  name  suggests  to  us  Tottenham,  of  which 
Tottenhall  is  a  variant  in  later  days.  But,  even  if  the  distance  does 
not  render  this  impossible,  we  are  debarred  from  such  a  solution  by  the 
Westminster  tradition  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  great  charters  of 
Edward  the  Confessor,  though  they  are  manifestly  unauthentic,  have 
a  high  value  as  representing  current  opinion  in  the  abbey  at  the  time 
of  their  composition;  and  they  fi-equently  help  to  interpret  the  brief 
charters  which  furnished  them  with  their  materials.  In  the  '  Telli- 
graphus  beati  regis  Edwardi'  we  read  (D.  f.  47): 

Concessi  etiam  et  confirmavi  oranes  donaciones  que  a  regibus  vel  ab  aliquibus  aliis 
ante  me  donate  sunt :  hoc  est,  in  eadem  villa  in  qua  idem  monasterium  est  iii  hidas 
et  dimidiam  ;  in  berwika  quod  Tottenheale  appellatur  iii  hidas ;  in  Tatewelle  unam ; 
in  Cnihtebricge  iiii ;  in  Padington'  ii ;  in  Hsemstede  v ;  in  Hesendune  cum  terri- 
toriis...suis  que  appellantur  Bleccenham,  Codenhlaewe  et  Lothereslege  xx  hidas.... 

Here  we  find  that  the  'berwika'  of  'Tottenheale'  has  three  hides,  the 
exact  number  held  by  Baynard  at  the  time  of  the  Survey.  But  there 
is  an  evident  mistake  in  assigning  three  and  a  half  hides  only  to  the 
abbey  itself.  Probably  we  should  read  xiii  for  iii,  as  in  the  Survey: 
and  thus,  with  Tottenheale  and  also  the  mysterious  Tatewelle  added 
in,  we  should  make  up  the  number  of  seventeen  and  a  half  which  is 
found  in  the  First  Charter  of  the  Confessor  (D.  f.  396): 

Concessi  etiam  et  confirmavi  donaciones  que  ab  eisdem  regibus  ante  me  donate 
sunt :  hoc  est,  circa  ipsum  monasterium  xvii  hydas  et  dimidiam ;  in  Heandune  xx ; 
in  Heampstede  v.... 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  then,  that  in  the  twelfth  century  Totenhala, 
or  Tottenheale S  was  identified  with  three  hides  of  land  in  the  immediate 

»  Cf.  Pope  Adrian's  bull  (D.  f.  6  ft):  In  Middelsex'  villam  Westm',  Cnichebrigg', 
Padinton',  Totehal',  villam  de  Eye. ...    [See  also  Addit.  Note  B,  p.  167.] 


Details  of  Administration 


41 


neighbourhood  of  the  abbey.  There  appears  to  be  some  connexion 
between  Totenhala,  Tatewelle,  and  the  well-known  TothuU  or  Tothill. 

The  twenty-five  houses  for  the  abbot's  knights  and  other  men 
suggest  that  the  process  of  enfeoffment  had  not  been  carried  far ;  and 
that,  as  at  Abingdon  and  at  Ely^,  a  number  of  knights  resided  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  abbey,  and  perhaps  were  fed  at  the 
abbot's  table.  Possibly  we  may  find  here  the  explanation  of  the  rebuke 
administered  by  Pope  Innocent  II  in  1139  to  Abbot  Gervase  for  having 
knights  about  him  in  the  abbey :  '  militarem  praeterea  manum  et 
laicorum  conventum  procul  a  limitibus  monasticae  arceas  disciplinae^' 

In  Geoflfrey  de  Mandeville's  grant  of  Eye  we  find  the  clause :  '  super 
altare  predicti  apostoli  Petri  presentavi  in  presentia  Gisleberti  abbatis 
et  monachorum,  et  multorum  militum  meorum  et  suorum^' 

For  further  notices  of  knight  service,  see  pp.  48  f. 


6.    Domestic  Economy. 

Among  the  abbey  muniments  is  a  document  which  appears  to  have 
been  written  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  which 
throws  light  on  the  domestic  economy  of  the  period*.  At  first  sight 
it  is  puzzling,  but  it  yields  its  meaning  to  a  careful  study. 

Hec  est  firnia  monachorum  in  septimana.  ad  panem  vi  cumbas :  et  Ix  et  vii  sol' 
ad  coquinam :  et  xx  hops  de  brasio,  et  x  de  gruto :  et  iii  cumbas  avenae ;  et  ad  ser- 
vientes  i  marc'  argenti.  et  ilia  maueria  quae  longinqua  sunt,  et  hoc  reddere  non 
poterint,  reddent  pro  tota  septimana  viii     et  x  sol'. 

Ad  karitates  et  pitancias  xxxii  1-i,  de  Bienflet,  de  Fantoue,  de  Pakelesam  et 
Winetona,  et  de  Cumbritona. 

Ad  ligna  xv  ii. 

Ad  cameram  et  ad  omnia  quae  necessaria  sunt,  omnes  redditus  Lundoniae, 
Dodintuna,  et  Cillentuna,  et  Sippeham,  et  Sulebi,  et  i  molendinum  apud  Stretfort, 
et  Perham.    Haec  est  summa:  Ix  et  x  ii. 

Ad  servientes  coquine,  et  pistrini,  et  bracini,  et  orti,  et  vineae,  et  infirmatorii,  et 
portarii,  de  Hanewrde  xxx  sol',  de  Coueley  xxx  sol',  de  Titebirste  x  sol',  de  Merdeleya 
XV  sol',  de  Elteneya  xxiiii  sol',  et  v  sol'  de  Okkenduna ;  et  xx  sol'  de  illis  qui  tenent 
terras  vinearum,  exceptis  illis  qui  habent  terrulas  pro  solidatis  suis. 

Ad  servicium  cenae  domini  Ix  sol',  de  Wateleya ;  et  xx  sol'  de  Knichtebrigge. 

*  See  Round,  Feudal  England,  p.  300.  At  Ely  the  abbot  'habuit  ex  consuetudine, 
secundum  jussum  regis,  praetaxatum  militiae  numerum  infra  aulam  ecclesiae,  victum 
cotidie  de  manu  celerarii  capientem  atque  stipendia'  (Lib.  Eliens.  p.  275). 

2  Quoted  by  Flete,  p.  90.  3  Below,  no.  15. 

*  Munim.  5670:  endorsed  '  Extenta  conventus  Westm.  Compositiones. '  It  is  copied 
in  D.  f.  659. 


42 


Gilbert  Ci'isjnn 


The  first  paragraph  refers  to  the  system  of  'firmae,'  which  is 
explained  by  Archdeacon  Hales  in  the  introduction  to  the  '  Domesday 
of  St  Paul's,'  pp.  xxxix — li.  'Firma'  represents  the  Anglo-Saxon 
'feorme,'  and  means  originally  provisions  supplied  by  various  manors  as 
a  rent  in  kind.  The  manors  rendered  one,  two,  or  more  'firmae,'  in  the 
sense  of  provisions  for  a  week:  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century 
52  weeks,  and  something  more,  were  thus  provided  for ;  but  afterwards 
the  'firmae'  were  only  45.  'The  forty-five  firmae  were  furnished  by 
thirteen  manors.  Each  firma  consisted  of  sixteen  quarters  of  wheat, 
sixteen  quarters  of  oats,  and  three  quarters  of  barley^.' 

At  St  Alban's  the  same  system  was  in  force:  and  it  is  thus  described 
for  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century: 

Habemus  igitur  de  maneriis  nostris  quinquaginta  et  tres  firmas.  firmam 
vocamus  quadraginta  et  sex  solidos.  tot  ergo  habemus  firmas,  quot  sunt  septi- 
manae  in  anno,  et  unam  in  antecessum.  quae  hoc  modo  proveniunt:  qualibet 
hebdomada  quadraginta  sex  solidos  recipiunt  cellararii  nostri,  scilicet  monachorum 
et  curiae ;  tresdecim  vero  ex  hiis  recipit  cellararius  curiae,  noster  vero  triginta  tres. 
tres  autem  solidi  pro  novem  sarciuariis,  qui  victum  nostrum  a  Londoniis  vel  aliunde 
debent  afierre,  statuti  sunt ;  triginta  vero  pro  victu  nostro.  hiis  vero  triginta 
solidis  per  hebdomadam  adjecit  dictus  abbas  Gaufridus  [1119—1146]  quinque 
solidos  qualibet  septimana,  scilicet  annuas  tresdecim  libras ;  ita  ut  cotidie  ad  coqui- 
nam  nostram  quinque  solidos  haberemus.... habemus  etiam  ex  antiqua  statutione 
qualibet  hebdomada  annuatim  duas  summas  frumenti  ad  coquinam  nostram,  et 
quolibet  anno  sexaginta  solidos  de  Apsa  ad  lac  emendum^. 

The  'firma'  is  given  here  in  money,  but  whether  the  commutation 
had  been  made  so  early  is  not  clear.  At  Westminster,  as  our  document 
shews  us,  about  half  of  the  'firma'  was  i-endered  in  money,  and  the 
other  half  in  kind:  but  the  distant  manors  paid  the  'firma'  wholly  in 
money,  at  the  rate  of  £8.  10^. 

A  charter  of  Abbot  Gilbert,  printed  below  (no.  13),  is  interesting  in 
this  connexion.  The  abbot  grants  to  Gunter  and  his  heir  the  manor  of 
Hendon  '  in  feudo  finne  pro  una  plenaria  septimana  firme  quoque 

1  Domesday  of  St  Paul's,  xLvm.    This  seems  to  apply  to  the  13th  centui-y. 

2  Gesta  Abbatum  (Kolls  Series)  i  74.  Another  document  which  may  be  compared  with 
these  is  the  account  of  the  provision  '  ad  ministerium  cellerarii '  at  Worcester  Priory  : 
the  last  named  benefactor  is  Bp  Teolwold  (tll23),  and  the  document  perhaps  belongs  to 
the  first  half  of  the  12th  cent.  Inc.  '  In  septimana  recipiet  x  sextarios  frumenti  fannatos ' 
(Monasticon,  i  606).  To  a  somewhat  later  period  would  seem  to  belong  the  Statute 
traditionally  ascribed  to  Abbot  Aldwin  of  Bamsey  (1091 — 1102) :  '  ad  celerariam  pro  victu 
praedictorum  monachorum  et  hospitum  assignavit  diversa  maneria,  quae  vocantur  tirmas 
(sic)  monachorum,'  etc.  (Ramsey  Chartulary,  Rolls  S.  iii  163 :  of.  168  and,  more 
elaborately,  230.) 


Detail:^  of  Admiuistvation 


43 


anno\'  Abbot  Herbert  confirmed  this  grant,  apparently  on  the  same 
terms:  but  Abbot  Gervase  regranted  the  manor  to  Gunter's  son  Gilbert 
for  an  annual  rent  of  £20 ;  and  this  gi-ant  was  confirmed  by  Pope 
Innocent  II  on  22  April  1139.  The  change  in  the  rent  is  noticeable. 
The  value  of  the  manor  stands  in  the  Domesday  Survey  at  only  £8; 
but  in  K.  Edward's  time  it  had  been  worth  £12. 

Six  coombs  w^ould  be  a  very  insufficient  supply  of  wheat  for  the 
bread  of  the  monastery  each  week,  if  the  coomb  was,  as  now,  half  a 
quarter.  Either  some  larger  measure  must  be  signified  by  the  word, 
or  we  must  suppose  that  much  of  the  payment  in  wheat  had  been 
commuted  for  money. 

By  '  XX  hops  de  brasio '  we  must  understand  20  pecks  of  malt.  In 
one  of  the  Worcester  Compotus  Rolls  published  by  Canon  J.  M.  Wilson- 
we  find  such  entries  as  'i  qr.  vii  estr.  i  hop.'  and  'iii  qr.  iii  estr.  iii  hop.' 
It  would  appear  that  the  'esteria'  is  the  eighth  part  of  a  quarter  (sc.  a 
bushel),  and  the  'hoop'  a  fourth  part  of  an  'esteria^.'  It  is  interesting 
to  see  that  the  reckoning  in  our  document  is  not  by  the  bushel,  but  by 
the  'peck  o'  maut.' 

'Grutum'  is  defined  by  Du  Cange  as  barley  prepared  for  making 
beer:  'gi-out'  and  'grout-ale'  are  still  in  use  for  a  cheap  kind  of  ale. 

The  subsequent  paragraphs  refer  not  to  weekly  but  to  yearly 
pa;yments,  '  Pitanciae '  and  '  caritates '  are  extra  allowances  in  the 
refectory:  the  manors  from  which  these  contributions  come  are  all 
in  Essex,  except  Comberton  which  is  in  Worcestershire. 

The  paragi-aph  relating  to  the  '  camera,'  which  supplied  the  monks' 
clothing,  is  illustrated  by  the  following  statement  of  Flete  (p.  87) 
regarding  Abbot  Gilbert's  anniversary: 

Hie  quoque  pater  venerabilis  omnes  redditus  ad  cameram  pertiuentes  couventui 
assignavit...pro  qua  quidem  assignatioiie  camerae  anniversarium  ipsius  principaliter 
est  celebrandum  septimo  idus  Deeembris,  ut  patet  libi'o  Consuetudinarii,  quarta 
pai-te,  capitulo  de  anniversariis  57". 

It  is  unfortunate  that  the  chapter  of  the  Customary  to  which  Flete 
here  refei-s  is  no  longer  extant*:  but  in  c.  xv  under  the  head  of  the 

1  The  grant  cannot  be  later  than  1102  when  Robert  the  prior  went  to  St  Edmund's. 
This  charter  and  those  which  are  subsequently  referred  to  are  found  in  D.  f.  129. 

2  pp.  68  f.  (Pitancer's  roU  for  1351—2). 

*  The  English  Dialect  Dictionary  shews  that  the  'hoop'  varies  in  different  localities 
from  a  quarter  of  a  peck  to  four  pecks  :  but  most  frequently-  it  is  the  equivalent  of  a  peck. 

*  The  Customary  edited  by  Sir  H.  Maunde  Thompson  contained  no  more  than 
48  chapters:  c.  xlvi  contains  a  ' recapitnlatio '  only  of  anniversaries,  and  here  there 
is  a  mere  fragment  about  Abbot  Gilbert,  too  imperfect  to  be  of  any  use  (p.  589  of  the 
transcript  in  the  Chapter  Library).  Flete  must  have  been  quoting  from  a  copy  which  had 
supplementary  chapters,  one  of  which  dealt  with  the  anniversaries  at  full  length. 


44 


Gilbert  Crispin 


'  camerarius '  we  have  this  statement,  which  gives  us  some  light  on  the 
matter : 

Extenditur  autem  camera  ex  assigaacione  commendabilis  memoriae  abbatis 
Gilberti  ad  vesturam  et  calciamentum  quater  viginti  monachorum,  praeter  domnum 
abbatem ;  ad  quae  plenarie  exbibenda,  una  cum  aliis  subtitulatis  rebus  usui  fratrum 
necessariis,  recipit  idem  camerarius  annuatim  de  pensionibus  ac  redditibus  quater 
viginti  et  octo  libras  ad  minus. 

Our  document  speaks  of  £70  as  the  annual  provision  '  ad  cameram 
et  omnia  quae  necessaria  sunt.'  It  is  reasonable  to  regard  that  as  the 
provision  made  by  Abbot  Gilbert.  In  the  middle  of  the  13th  century 
the  sum  had  risen  to  £88  at  the  least. 

The  next  paragraph  is  of  interest  for  its  references  to  the  servants 
of  the  monastery  and  to  the  vineyards.  The  newly  planted  vines  are, 
as  we  have  seen,  mentioned  in  the  Domesday  Survey:  their  memory 
survived  till  recently  in  the  name  of '  Vine  Street.'  The  last  paragraph 
refers  to  the  Maundy. 

It  is  worth  while  to  compare  this  document  as  a  whole  with  a  some- 
what parallel  statement  preserved  in  the  Liber  Eliensis,  which  refers 
to  the  troublous  period  when  Ranulf  Flambard  was  extorting  the  last 
penny  fi-om  the  Church  for  his  master  William  Rufus'. 

Lib.  2,  c.  136.  Qmd  Ranulfus  quidamjussu  regis  annonam  monachis,  sed  brevem, 
constituit.  Haec  igitur  sunt  quae  idem  Ranulfus  et  Symeon  abbas  ex  jussu  regis 
Willelmi  constitueruut  uno  quoque  anno  dari  ad  opus  fratrum.  ad  vestimenta 
eorum  septuaginta  libras  2.  ad  coquinam  eorum  sexaginta  libras,  et  ad  sagimen 
ducentos  porcos,  et  porcos  qui  in  curia  pascuntur,  et  totum  caseum  et  butirum, 
excepto  hoc  quod  est  in  firma  praepositorum ;  et  unaquaque  ebdomada  septem 
treias  frumenti  et  decem  treias  braisii.  ad  luminaria  monasterii,  praesentem  eccle- 
siam  cum  sepultura  villae,  et  totum  quicquid  pertinet  ad  sanctiun  Botulfum  cum 
festivitate.  et,  si  tantum  fuerit  de  vino,  semper  habebunt  in  lectionibus  [in]  duo- 
decim  caritatem  et  in  sabbato ;  sin  autem,  medietatem  medonis  habebimt. 

This  Ely  reckoning  was  made  about  1093,  and  no  doubt  it  represents 
the  maximum  which  was  left  to  the  monks  when  for  the  last  seven 
years  of  his  reign  the  abbey  was  in  the  king's  hands. 

I  venture  the  conjecture  that  our  Westminster  document  represents 
the  allowance  made  to  the  monks  when  the  abbey  was  in  K.  Henry's 
hands  from  the  death  of  Gilbert  in  December  1117  till  the  appointment 
of  Herbert  in  January  1121^.    This,  then,  might  be  a  copy  written  by 

•  Liher  Eliensis,  ed.  Stewart,  p.  278. 

2  This  is  the  same  sum  as  at  Westminster :  at  Ely  there  were  about  this  time 
70  monks. 

s  In  a  charter  of  1121  occurs  the  phrase  'dum  abbatia  fuit  in  mea  manu,'  D.  f.  58  b. 


Details  q/  Administration 


45 


a  royal  official,  and  left  with  the  monks  at  the  time  when  the  com- 
position was  made. 

Let  us  now  glance  at  the  estates  which  are  mentioned  under  the 
various  headings.  And  first  let  us  take  those  which  are  assigned  to 
the  'camera';  for  here  we  have  a  remarkable  example  of  monastic 
conservatism.  In  1381  John  Lakingheth,  the  treasurer,  assessed  all 
the  offices  of  the  abbey  at  their  true  value,  and  the  Liher  Niger 
Quatenius  gives  us  the  estates  which  fiirnished  to  each  office  its 
revenues^  After  the  mention  of  certain  'pensiones'  from  churches 
which  the  chamberlain  received,  we  read  as  follows: 

Bona  ejusdem  camerarii  in  civitate  London'  taxautur  ad  xxxix  li.  Item  in 
Stebenhith,  xx  s.  Item  in  Wokynton  ad  turm',  xx  s.  Item  in  Estham  Ix  s.  Item 
in  Dodinton,  xii  H.  Item  in  Soleby,  cii  s.  Item  in  Cippenham,  1  s.  Item  in  Cholyngton, 
xUii  s.  iiii  d.    Item  in  Hamme  apud  Ospreng,  xx  s.    Item  in  Hadleya,  xl  s. 

These  'temporalia'  amount  to  £68. 15.  4;  and,  when  the  'spiritualia' 
above-mentioned  are  added  in,  the  total  comes  to  £74.  2.  0.  We  may 
compare  this  total  with  the  £70  of  our  document,  and  with  the  '£88 
at  the  least'  of  Abbot  Ware's  Customary  (c.  1266).  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  the  estates  had  fallen  considerably  in  value  after  the  Black  Death 
in  1349,  and  some  of  the  additional  properties  in  the  above  list  may 
have  been  assigned  to  the  chamberlain  in  consequence.  His  original 
assignment  was,  according  to  our  document: 

Omnes  redditus  Lundoniae,  Dodintuna,  et  Cillentmia,  et  Sippeham,  et  Sulebi,  et 
i  molendinum  apiid  Stretfort,  et  Perham. 

Two  items  of  this  list  are  gone,  and  five  others  have  come  in  to 
supply  their  place,  in  the  course  of  two  centuries  and  a  half. 

1.  The  mill  at  Stratford  (co.  Essex)  was  given  to  the  abbey  by 
Ailnod  of  London  shortly  after  the  Conquest  2.  This  Ailnod  was  a 
nephew  of  Suain  of  Essex,  who  was  a  considerable  benefactor  of  the 
abbey,  and  of  whom  we  shall  hear  more  presently^.  In  the  chamber- 
lain's roll  for  1382-3,  that  is  to  say,  just  after  the  assessment  made  by 
John  Lakingheth,  we  discover  that  the  mill  had  been  in  some  way 
alienated,  and,  though  it  had  been  recovered  in  the  previous  year,  it 
had  brought  in  nothing,  because  there  was  no  tenant : 

De  XX  s.  (due  from  the  mill  at  Stratford)  nil  hie,  quia  recuperatur  per  breve  de 
Cessavit  anno  proximo  preterito,  et  jacet  vac'. 

•  Lib.  Nig.  Qtmt.  f.  85  b,  B.  140  sqq. 

2  See  the  charter  of  Will.  I  (below,  no.  2),  which  is  of  considerable  interest. 
»  See  below,  pp.  49  f.  and  nos.  1,  2,  8. 


46 


Gilbert  Crispin 


The  next  extant  roll  of  this  office  is  for  1399 — 1400,  and  there  we 
read: 

Nil  adhuc,  quia  est  in  maiiu  ballivi,  et  respondet  de  firma  ejusdem  compoto  suo. 

It  had  thus  passed  from  the  chamberlain  to  the  general  account  of 
the  convent,  and  its  rent  was  received  by  the  principal  treasurer,  who 
was  also  styled  the  bailiff. 

2.  Perham  (Parham,  co.  Sussex)  is  mentioned  in  the  Telligraphus 
of  St  Edward  (D.  f  47),  but  nothing  is  said  about  the  way  in  which 
it  came  into  the  abbey.  It  occurs  duly,  however,  in  the  Domesday 
Survey.  We  hear  of  it  in  the  latter  half  of  Henry  I's  reign,  when  Abbot 
Herbert  made  good  his  claim  to  it  against  an  aggressor  (D.  f.  5975): 

Sciatis  quod  abbas  Herbertus...diracionavit  terram  de  Perehametde  Mapeleford 
erga  Herbertum  filium  Herberti...T'.  episcopo  Sarum  apud  Odestocam'. 

In  Henry  II's  time  Peter  fitz  Herbert  receives  £100  from  the  abbot 
and  convent  for  the  surrender  of  his  rights.  Then  Abbot  William 
Postard  assigns  it  to  the  kitchener,  and  presently  Abbot  Ralph  confirms 
this  assignment.  As  all  these  charters  (D.  ff.  .597  seqq.)  occur  under 
the  heading  of  the  infirmarer,  we  must  conclude  that  Parham  ulti- 
mately came  to  his  office. 

3.  We  now  come  to  the  estates  which  remained  with  the  chamber- 
lain. Of  the  London  property  we  need  not  speak.  We  begin  with 
Dodintuna  (Doddington,  6  m.  west  of  Lincoln).  It  was  given  by  Ailric, 
and  confirmed  by  a  charter  of  Will.  I  to  Abbot  Vitalis^:  and  it  appears 
accordingly  in  the  Domesday  Survey.  The  next  we  hear  of  it  is  in  a 
charter  by  which  Hugo  de  Euremou  restores  'Dotinton'  to  the  abbey. 
Abbot  Gilbert  had  given  it  to  him  in  exchange  for  another  manor, 
which  K.  Henry  afterwards  took  away  and  gave  back  to  count  Eustace 
(i.e.  Eustace  the  younger  of  Boulogne).  Henry's  charter  which  con- 
firms the  restoration  of  Doddington  tells  us  that  the  other  manor 
was  Ducesworthe,  and  that  the  king  gave  Hugo  an  equivalent  for  its 
surrender^. 

4.  Gillentuna,  or  Cholyngton,  as  it  is  called  in  the  assessment  of 
1381,  has  proved  very  difficult  to  locate.  Our  first  completely  trust- 
worthy notice  of  it  is  in  a  charter  of  William  I  (D.  f.  168)  addressed  to 

'  Cf.  Hist.  Ahingd.  Bolls  S.  ii  5  :  '  Herebertus  filius  Hereberti,  i  militem  pro 
Lechamstede  x  hidarum';  in  a  list  of  Abingdon  knights,  temp.  Hen.  I. 

2  D.  f.  524  6:  'manerium  Dodinton',  quod  Alricus  Merietisunse  dedit.'  In  William's 
'First  Charter'  (D.  f.  50  h) :  'Dudintun...Aegelricu8  nomine  filius  Mergeati.' 

*  The  texts  of  these  charters  are  given  below,  nos.  25  and  26.  For  Hugo  de  Euremou, 
who  enters  into  the  legend  of  Hereward  'the  Wake,'  see  Round,  Feud.  Engl.  pp.  159—161. 


Details  of  Administration 


47 


Abp  Lanfranc  and  Bp  Odo,  which  gives  to  Abbot  Vitalis  the  hunting 
in  the  wood  at  Battersea,  and  certain  properties  in  London  and  else- 
where: 'et  terram  de  Celintona,  quam  tenet  Boselinus  de  Diva.'  But 
there  is  nothing  here  to  fix  its  locality^.  We  must  therefore  try  back 
among  our  fictitious  charters  to  see  what  the  tradition  about  it  was. 
In  Will.  I's  First  Charter  (D.  f.  526)  and  in  his  Telligraphus  (D.  f.  496) 
we  find  'villara  Cillinctune,  quam  prius  Boselinus  de  Diva  ei  [sc. 
ecclesiae]  per  vim  abstulerat':  but  this  notice  is  obviously  drawn  from 
the  charter  to  which  we  have  just  referred.  In  St  Edward's  First 
Charter  (D.  f.  396)  we  have  'Colintuna,'  which  is  immediately  followed 
by  'Cillingtune'  (cf  his  Telligi-aphus,  D.  f  47):  this  gives  us  no  further 
light.    But  in  the  Telligraphus  of  Ethelred  (D.  I  806)  we  read^: 

Item  Aelfwine  prefectus  meus  de  Kent  tres  cassatas  cenobio  prefato  pro  animula 
sua  conjugisque  largitus  est  in  loco  qui  vulgo  Sillingtune  dicitur. 

Here  we  have  at  last  a  hint  as  to  where  we  must  look.  If  the 
king's  prefect  of  Kent  gives  it  for  his  'poor  soul,'  it  is  probably  some- 
where in  that  county.  But  the  Domesday  Survey  of  Kent  does  not 
recognise  it.  Yet  our  next  mention  of  it  would  be  in  harmony  with 
such  a  locality:  for  about  the  year  1150  Abp  Theobald  requires  two 
aggressors  to  give  it  back  to  the  abbey  on  pain  of  excommunication, 
which  shall  be  strictly  enforced  throughout  the  whole  of  England  (D. 
f.  681,  under  the  heading  Scripta  vacua  nunc): 

T.  dei  gratia  Cant'  archiepiscopus,  Anglorum  primas,  apostolice  sedis  legatus, 
Gaufrido  Batailla  et  Ricardo  de  Frachevilla,  salutem.  Ex  parte  G[ervasii]  abbatis 
[we  have  learned  that]  ingressi  estis  manerium  de  Chelindona,  quod  a  tempore 
Edwardi  regis  predicta  ecclesia  possedisse  dicitur.... 

We  shall  see  presently  that,  when  Abp  Theobald  interposed  on 
behalf  of  Sulby  in  Lincolnshire,  he  required  the  Bp  of  Lincoln  to  strike 
the  aggressor  with  ecclesiastical  censures,  if  need  should  be^  But  in 
the  case  before  us  he  acts  directly,  as  he  must  of  necessity  do  if  the 
place  be  in  his  own  diocese.  Once  more  therefore  we  are  inclined  to 
look  to  Kent,  though  the  indications  are  still  but  slight;  and  there  is 
a  Shillington  and  also  a  Chellington  in  Bedfordshire,  and  other  counties 
offer  similar  names  equally  attractive*. 

'  In  the  Domesday  Survey  for  Sussex  (f.  16)  part  of  Malliuges  is  held  by  '  filius 
Boselin'.' 

*  Comp.  St  Dunstan's  charter,  D.  f.  36,  where  it  is  called  SchoUiiigtune. 
3  Below,  p.  48. 

*  E.g.  Kelituna  (now  Kenningtons),  the  Essex  part  of  Keliugton,  whioh  is  across  the 
river  in  Suffolk. 


48 


Gilbert  Crispin 


The  'Valor  Ecclesiasticus '  of  Henry  VIII  generally  notes  the  county 
in  which  a  property  is  situated;  but  here  our  estate  is  missing  from 
the  list  of  those  held  by  the  chamberlain;  and  indeed  it  does  not 
appear  anywhere  in  the  list  printed  in  the  Monasticon.  Our  last  hope 
is  in  the  chamberlain's  account  roll,  though  it  is  most  unusual  to  find 
there  any  notes  of  locality.  Most  fortunately  this  case  is  an  exception. 
In  the  roll  for  1382—3  we  read: 

Et  de  redditu  de  Cholyngtone  in  parochia  de  Burne,  iii  ii. 

In  the  next  extant  roll  (1399 — 1400)  there  is  a  neat  erasure  at  this 
point,  but  the  extent  of  it  exactly  corresponds  with  the  above  words : 
so  that  it  is  plain  that  this  property  was  lost  to  the  chamberlain  only 
a  few  years  after  the  assessment  of  1381. 

Where  then  is  the  parish  of  Burne  ?  There  is  no  such  parish,  it 
seems,  in  Kent  at  the  present  day.  But  a  few  miles  east  of  Canterbury 
we  find  Bekesbourne,  and  six  miles  south-east  of  that  is  the  village  of 
Chillenden,  or  Chillingden — for  after  a  thousand  years  its  spelling  is 
still  open  to  question.  When  now  we  turn  back  to  the  Domesday 
Survey,  we  find  to  our  satisfaction  that  the  neighbourhood  of  what  is 
now  called  Bekesbourne  is  described  simply  as  Burne. 

5.  Sippenham  (Cippenham,  co.  Bucks)  is  mentioned  in  a  charter  of 
William  Rufus  as  having  come  to  the  abbey  by  his  father's  gift.  It 
is  confirmed  to  Abbot  Gilbert,  who  had  established  his  claim  before 
certain  of  the  king's  barons.  Subsequently  Abbot  Gilbert  in  the  last 
years  of  his  life  granted  it  to  William  de  Bokeland  for  a  yearly  rent  of 
fifty  shillings,  the  sum  which  appears  in  the  assessment  of  1381.  The 
two  charters  here  referred  to  are  printed  below';  the  second  contains 
the  interesting  phrase,  'quando  rex  Angl'  communiter  accipiet  xx  solidos 
de  milite.' 

6.  Sulebi  (Sulby,  co.  Northampton)  was  connected  with  West- 
minster in  K.  Henry  I's  time,  as  we  gather  from  later  documents.  A 
writ  of  Archbp  Theobald,  apparently  between  1147  and  1154,  requires 
Robert  de  Chesny,  bp  of  Lincoln,  to  see  that  Robert  Foliot  restores  Sulby 
which  he  has  taken  away  (D.  f  6806);  and  a  charter  of  Robert  Foliot 
confirms  to  the  abbey  the  perpetual  tenure  of  the  manor  of  Sulby,  for 
the  service  of  one  knight,  as  in  the  time  of  his  predecessors  under 
K.  Henry-.  In  the  Red  Book  of  the  Exchequer  (ed.  Hall),  p.  331,  we 
read : 

•  No8.  9  and  37. 

'  '  Sciatis  me  et  Margaretam  uxorem  meam . .  .eodem  servicio  quo  faciebant  predecessori- 
bus  meis  tempore  regis  Henrici,  videlicet  servicium  unius  militis'  (D.  f.  523). 


Details  of  Administration 


49 


Carta  Roberti  Foliot. 
De  baronia  Roberti  Foliot  de  veteri  fefFamento: 


Abbas  de  Westmonasterio,  i  militem. 

It  is  possible  that  further  research  may  throw  more  light  on  the  early 
history  of  this  property^.  In  later  days  the  manor  was  let  to  Sulby 
Abbey  (40  Hen.  Ill)  for  102  shillings,  the  figure  at  which  it  stands 
a  hundred  years  later  still  in  John  Lakingheth's  assessment. 

The  other  properties  mentioned  in  our  document  must,  with  one 
exception,  be  briefly  dismissed  with  a  mere  mention  of  their  localities. 
Bienflet  is  Benfleet,  and  Fan  tone  is  Little  Faunton^  in  North  Benfleet: 
Pakelesam^  and  Winetona*  are  Paglesham  and  Wenington:  all  these 
are  in  co.  Essex.  Cumbritona-^  is  Comberton,  co.  Worcester.  Hane- 
wrde  and  Coueley''  are  Hanworth  and  Cowley  in  co.  Middlesex.  Tite- 
birste  and  Merdeleya  are  Titeburst  in  Wheathampstead  and  Mardley, 
both  in  CO.  Hertford.  Elteneya^  and  Okkenduna^  are  Ilteney  and 
Ockendon  in  co.  Essex.  Knichtebrigge  is  the  familiar  Knightsbridge. 
Of  Wateleya  (Whatley  or  Wheatley,  co.  Essex)  it  is  worth  while  to 
speak  more  particularly. 

Watelea  occurs  in  the  Domesday  Survey  as  part  of  the  land  of  Suain 
of  Essex.  A  charter  of  Abbot  Gilbert  grants  it  to  Robert  son  of  Suain 
for  sixty  shillings  a  year,  at  which  figure  it  stands  in  our  document. 
Suain  had  given  it  for  his  soul's  sake  to  St  Peter,  and  Robert  with  his 
mother  had  made  gift  thereof  on  the  altar  of  St  Peter  on  the  day  of 
his  father's  burial^. 

'  In  a  Northampton  survey  of  the  time  of  Hen.  I,  Richard  Foliot  is  said  by  Dr  Round 
to  be  the  heir  of  Guy  of  Renbodcurt,  or  Raimbercurt,  a  Domesday  owner,  see  Feudal 
England,  219  f.  Was  this  Richard  the  father  of  the  Robert  Foliot  of  our  charter? 
According  to  Dugdale  (Baronage),  Richard's  father  was  Robert  Foliot,  who  married 
Margery,  daughter  of  Richard  de  Reincurt. 

2  For  confirmations  of  Fanton  by  Hen.  I  see  below,  nos.  23,  24. 

3  Given  by  Ingulfus  (Edw.  Telligr.  D.  f.  47  h). 

*  This  is  the  '  Winton '  of  a  charter  which  speaks  of  the  church  having  been  broken 
into:  see  below,  no.  31. 

5  See  the  charters  printed  below,  nos.  27,  28. 

6  Cofenlea  in  St  Dunstan's  charter.  D.  f.  36.    Under  the  cellarer  in  D.  f.  469. 

^  Telligr.  Will.  I  (D.  f.  49  h):  '  Deinde  in  Eastsex'  prope  burgum  Maldune,  in  Elteneie 
XXX  agellos  arabilis  terre,'  given  by  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville. 

*  Under  the  cellarer  in  D.  f.  461).  Wokendune  and  Fering  were  held  by  Harold,  and 
were  given  by  the  Conqueror  to  the  abbey  as  part  of  the  exchange  for  Windsor  (D.  f.  254). 
Henry's  confirmation  of  this  grant  is  printed  below,  no.  22. 

9  The  charter  is  printed  below,  no.  8. 

R.  c.  4 


50 


Gilbert  Crispin 


Suain  of  Essex  was  the  son  of  Robert  fitz  Wimarc^  This  Robert 
was  a  staller  under  Edward  the  Confessor.  He  became  sheriff  of 
Essex,  and  was  succeeded  in  that  office  by  Suain 2.  Suain's  son,  Robert 
of  Essex,  was  the  father  of  Henry  of  Essex,  who  lost  the  royal  standard 
in  battle  and  forfeited  his  lands  to  K.  Henry  II,  Wateleya,  which  was 
a  manor  in  the  Honor  of  Rayleigh,  thus  came  to  the  king. 

Henry  II's  daughter  Matilda  was  married  to  Henry  the  Lion,  duke 
of  Saxony,  in  1168.  The  duke  was  banished  in  1180,  and  resided  in 
England  for  some  years  after  1182:  his  daughter  Matilda  was  married 
in  1189  to  Geoffrey  count  of  Perche.  These  facts  will  explain  a  charter 
by  which  Geoffrey  count  of  Perche  confirms  the  gift  of  sixty  shillings 
annually,  originally  made  by  Suain  of  Essex,  to  be  paid  on  Palm  Sunday 
for  the  approaching  Maundy  (D.  f.  5206): 

...ego  Gaiifridus  dei  gracia  comes  de  Pertico...confirmavi,  consensu  Matildis 
uxoris  mee,  donacionem  illam  quam  Swanus  de  Essexa,  avus  videlicet  Henrici  de 
Essex'  dedit... videlicet  sexagiuta  solidatas  redditus  in  villa  de  Wateleya... perci- 
piendas...dominica  scilicet  in  Ramis  palmarum,  ad  mandatum  pauperum  faciendum 
proxima  die  Jovis. 

The  obligation  recorded  in  our  document  thus  remained  attached  to 
the  property:  'ad  servicium  cenae  domini  Ix  sol'  de  Wateleya.' 

1  Wimarc  was  his  mother  :  her  name  is  Breton,  according  to  Dr  Bound  (Vict.  Co. 
Hist.  Essex,  p.  345 ;  and  cf.  Bict.  Nat.  Biog.  '  Eobert  the  Staller '). 

2  Then  came  Ealph  Baynard,  and  after  him,  at  the  time  of  the  Survey,  Peter  de 
Valognes. 


V.   Abbot  Gilbert's  Literary  Remains. 


The  esteem  in  which  Gilbert  Crispin  was  held  as  a  theologian  some 
thirty  years  after  his  death  is  strikingly  illustrated  by  an  incident 
which  is  recounted  by  John  of  Salisbury  in  the  Historia  Pontificalis'^. 
After  the  formal  proceedings  of  the  Council  held  at  Rheims  in  1148  by 
Eugenius  III  were  concluded,  certain  bishops  and  abbots  were  still 
retained  to  consider  various  errors  imputed  to  Gilbert  de  la  Poree, 
bishop  of  Poitiers.  St  Bernard  gathered  a  private  conference  in  his 
lodging,  and  tried  to  get  the  consent  of  some  influential  persons  to 
certain  positions  in  advance,  in  order  to  shew  that  Gilbert  de  la  Poree 
had  contravened  them  and  so  to  secure  his  condemnation.  At  this 
conference  there  were  present,  as  the  writer  could  attest  ('quod  vidi 
loquor  et  scribo'),  Theobald  abp  of  Canterbury,  Geoffrey  of  Bordeaux, 
Henry  (Murdoc)  of  York,  Suger  abbot  of  St  Denys,  Baldwin  abbot  of 
Castellio  (Chatillon) — all  of  whom  were  now  dead ;  also  Thomas  of 
Canterbury,  Roger  of  York  and  many  others.  St  Bernard  asked  them, 
if  he  were  wrong  in  opposing  Gilbert  de  la  Poree,  to  correct  him:  if 
not,  to  defend  the  Church.  Then  he  made  certain  propositions,  which 
one  of  his  monks  wrote  down  and  read  out,  saying  Placet  vobis  ?  The 
first  was  '  Quod  deus  est  deitas,  et  e  converse':  they  said  Placet  The 
second  was  'Quod  tres  personae  sunt  unus  deus,  et  e  converso':  again 
they  said  Placet,  but  they  did  not  like  this  method  of  procedure.  The 
third  was  '  Quod  essentia  dei  incarnata  est,  sive  natura ' :  once  more 
they  gave  their  assent. 

Quarto  loco  subintiilit  quod  quoniam  deus  simplex  est  et  quicquid  in  deo  est 
deus  est,  proprietates  personarum  sunt  ipsae  personae,  et  quod  pater  est  paternitas, 
filixis  est  filiatio,  spiritus  est  processio,  et  e  converso.  quae  cum  similiter  prioribus 
excepta  essent  et  iuterrogata,  surgens  archidiaconus  quidam  Catalauuensis,  scilicet 
Robertu.s  de  Bosco,  et  tam  voce  quam  manu  silentium  impetrans  petiit  hujus  re- 
sponsionis  dilationem.  audierat  enim,  ut  dicebat,  in  scolis  clarissimorum  doctonim 
fratmm  Anselmi  et  Radulfi  Laudunensium  hoc  fuisse  quaesitum ;  sed  ab  eis  minime 
receptum  e.st,  quia  verebantiir  transgredi  terminos  quos  posuerant  patres.    sed  nec 

^  c.  8  (ed.  Arndt,  in  Pertz's  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.  SS.  xx,  p.  523).  I  am  indebted  for  my 
knowledge  of  this  interesting  incident  to  Mr  C.  C.  .J.  Webb. 

4—2 


52 


GUherf  Crispin 


Gilbertus  Universalis,  qui  post  fuit  episcopus  Lundonensis,  nec  Albericus  Remeiisis, 
qui  post  in  archiepiscopum  Bituris  sublimatus  est,  hoc  ob  eandem  causam  adraittere 
voluerunt:  nam  et  ipsos  audierat  et  super  hoc  interrogaverat.  item,  ut  aiebat, 
omnibus  his  sibi  litteratiw  visus  est  (Jillehertus  abbas  Westimonasterii  prope  Lun- 
doniam,  qui  hoc  Jiunquam  concedere  adquievit.  cousuluit  ergo  ut  in  re  tanta  nou 
praecipitarent  sententiam,  praesertim  cum  ab  hac  diffinitione  tanti  viri  abstinu- 
erint  interrogati,  et  domnus  papa  praesens  esset  et  ecclesia  Romana,  et  ad  illam 
convenerant  qui  praestantiores  esse  videbantur  in  orbe  Latino,  paritum  est  con- 
silio  ejus,  conventu  sic  soluto. 

St  Bernard  however  got  at  the  Pope  himself,  and  dictated  a  form  of 
words  in  which  judgment  was  given :  but  Gilbert  de  la  Poree  consented 
to  correct  his  commentary  on  Boethius  de  trinitate  accordingly,  and  was 
acquitted. 

The  position  which  Robert  du  Bois  assigns  to  Abbot  Gilbert  of  West- 
minster is  very  remarkable  in  view  of  the  eminence  of  the  theologians 
to  whom  he  prefers  him.  We  have  now  to  ask  what  were  the  writings 
which  gained  him  so  great  a  reputation. 

We  shall  begin  by  considering  the  evidence  of  certain  mediaeval 
lists  in  which  his  name  occurs. 

(1)  Catalogues  of  the  library  of  Bee.  Although  most  of  the  manu- 
scripts of  Bee  have  perished,  we  fortunately  possess  two  early  lists 
which  are  of  considerable  interest^  They  are  both  reprinted  in  Migne 
P.  L.  150,  col.  771  ff.  from  Ravaisson  Rapports  sur  les  bibliotheques  des 
departenients  de  I'Ouest,  Paris,  1841 ;  and  a  more  recent  edition  is  found 
in  Cat.  des  MSS.  biblioth.  publiques  de  France,  t.  il  pp.  385  f. 

The  first  belongs  to  the  early  part  of  the  twelfth  century  and  is 
entitled  '  Tituli  librorum  Beccensis  almarii.'  Here  we  find  a  volume 
containing  works  (a)  of  St  Chrysostom  and  (6)  of  Gilbert  Crispin.  The 
entry  is  as  follows : 

Libri  beati  lohannis  eognomine  Chrisostomi. 

In  uno  vol.  De  reparatione  lapsi,  lib.  i.  Item  ejusdem  ad  Deraetrium  de  com- 
punctione  cordis,  lib.  i.  Item  de  eadem  re  ad  Stelechium,  lib.  i.  Item  omelia 
ejusdem  de  subscriptione  i'  Psalmi.  Item  omelia  ejusdem  de  i°  Psalmo.  Item 
contra  Judeum  lib.  Gisleberti  Crispini  abbatis  Westimonasterii.  Item  ejusdem  de 
Simonia.cis,  et  de  veritate  corporis  et  sanguinis  Domini.  Item  ejusdem  sermo  in 
dedicatione  ecclosie.  Item  omelia  ejusdem  suj^er  Ciim  ingressus  Jesus.  Item  ejus- 
dem epistole  iii. 

'  For  a  full  discussion  of  the  subject  see  Histoire  de  I'abbaye  du  Bee  par  le  Chanoine 
Poree,  Cur6  de  Bournainville  (Evreux,  1901,  2  vols.),  i  91 — 94.  This  scholarly  work,  to 
which  I  have  already  had  occasion  to  refer,  is  written  by  a  country  parish  priest  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Bernay,  and  is  of  the  first  importance  for  the  study  of  Norman 
monasticism.    It  deserves  to  be  better  known  in  England. 


Literary  Remains 


53 


The  second  list  was  drawn  up  by  Robert  of  Torigny,  when  the  Bee 
library  had  received  a  legacy  of  books  from  Philippe  d'Harcourt,  bp 
of  Bayeux,  who  died  in  1164.  Here  in  a  composite  codex  we  find: 
'  Gislebertus  contra  Judeum.' 

If  we  add  the  'Vita  domni  Herluini  abbatis,'  which  occurs  without 
the  name  of  the  author  in  the  first  list,  we  complete  the  tale  of  his 
writings  to  be  found  in  his  old  home  at  Bee  in  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century, 

(2)  Boston  of  Bury.  This  learned  librarian  of  St  Edmund's  mon- 
astery expanded  in  the  fifteenth  century  a  catalogue  of  books  existing 
in  English  libraries,  which  had  originally  been  drawn  up  by  the 
Franciscans^.    Here  we  have  this  entry: 

Gilbertus  Abbas  Westm  floruit  circa  A.  Ch.  et  scripsit 

De  disputatione  Judaei  cum 
Christiano  i.  cum  seipso 
tunc  Abbate  ad  Anselmum 

Archiepiscopum    Lib.  i.  Reverendo          pronunciabatur  82.  165.  11. 
De  anima  Lib.  i.  Unde  infanti       sub  judice  168. 

De  casu  diaboli        Lib.  i.  De  angelo  honoret  168. 

The  numbers  refer  to  the  various  libraries:  82  =  Bury,  165  =  Brink- 
bourne,  11  =  Westminster :  168  is  a  mistake  for  165,  the  last  number 
being  167:  this  is  proved  by  another  entry  under  'Gilbert  of  Swynes- 
hed'  in  Boston's  own  catalogue,  where  we  have  without  'incipit'  or 
*  explicit,'  and  on  the  authority  of  '  Catalogus  librorum  Angliae,'  the 
following : 

De  anima  Lib.  i  165 

De  casu  diaboli        Lib.  i  163 

But  in  the  Septem  Custodiae  both  have  the  number  165. 

We  see  then  that  in  England  in  the  fifteenth  century  Gilbert  was 
best  known  by  his  Disputation  with  a  Jeiv;  but  that  two  other  tracts 
were  also  supposed  to  be  his,  which  were  not  in  the  Bee  lists.  It  seems 
probable  that  at  Brinkbourne  the  three  were  to  be  found  in  one 
volume. 

(3)  We  may  now  supplement  the  information  gained  from  these 
ancient  lists  by  the  evidence  of  existing  manuscripts.    The  first  which 

'  See  note  by  Dr  M.  R.  James  in  Westminster  Abbey  MSS.  p.  22.  Tanner's  Bibliotheca 
gives  the  fullest  printed  information  ;  but  I  quote  from  transcripts  made  for  Dr  James  by 
Mr  Rogers  of  the  Cambridge  University  Library. 


54 


Gilbert  Crisjnn 


we  shall  notice  shews  us  that  the  three  works  last  mentioned  were 
actually  to  be  found  in  one  volume  in  the  twelfth  century. 

i.  Brit.  Mus.  Addit.  8166 :  described  in  Gatal.  of  Romances,  ll  352, 
as  a  tall  quarto,  vellum,  twelfth  century,  which  '  seems  to  have  been  in- 
tended to  form  a  collection  of  the  works  of  Gilbert  Crispin,  abbot  of 
Westminster.' 

f.  3  begins  with  a  table  of  syllogistic  forms :  '  Si  sit  a  cum  sit  b.  e.  c' :  followed  by 
interpretations  of  names,  inc.  'Ephesus,  voluntas  vel  consilium' (7  churches, 
12  tribes,  Hebrew  alphabet),  e.vpl.  'Tau,  signum.' 

f.  3  5.  Disputacio  Gisleherti  abbatis  Westmonasterii  contra  htxieos  (see  below, 
pp.  60  ff.). 

f.  17  6.    Sermo  eiusdem  in  ramis  palmarum:  Exigit  solempnitas...  expl.  coheredes 

autem  Christi,  cui  &c. 
f.  186.    De  angelo  perdito  Veritas  Aic\t... expl.  incircumscriptus  est,  cui  honor  et  &c. 

(see  below,  p.  72). 

f.  22  6.    Quod  de  altaris  sacramento  fides  catholica...  expl.  deus  et  homo,  cui  honor 

et  imperium  &c.  (see  below,  p.  72). 
f.  28.    Poems  (leonines)  De  confessione  Crimina  deploret... ;  De  corpore  et  sanguine 

domini  Mysterio  magno.... 
f.  28  6.    A  Lyric  (adonics)  Ad  Anselmum  archiepiscopum  Que  modulando...  (see 

below,  p.  83):  followed  by  Elegiacs  De  creacione  sex  dierum  Unde  dies 

inquam.... 

f.  29.  Disputacio  xpiani  cd  gentili  de  fide  Christi  edita  a  Oilleberto  abbate  West- 
monasterii A  duobus  philosophis,..  (see  below,  pp.  73  ff.). 

f.  37.  Disputacio  Gisleberti  abbatis  de  anima  Unde  infanti  anima...  expl.  sub 
iudice  lis  est  (see  below,  p.  72). 

f.  39  6.    Proverbial  sayings  (from  A  to  I) :  Alienum  est.... 

f.  40.  Versus  eiusdem  de  rege  querenti  uxorem.  The  poem  which  follows  seems  to 
have  nothing  to  do  with  this  title :  it  is  one  of  two  Aesopic  Fables  in  hexa- 
meters—(i)  Kite  in  Hawk's  nest,  (ii)  Ram  in  Dog's  skin.  These  fables  are  fully 
described  in  the  Cat.  of  Romances  above  mentioned. 

We  may  note  that  the  form  of  the  Disputation  with  a  Jew  here  found 
varies  somewhat  from  the  form  in  which  the  book  ordinarily  occurs :  it 
looks  like  a  first  draft,  made  before  Anselm  became  archbishop  ^  Possibly 
the  compiler  of  this  codex  had  access  to  various  literary  remains  of 
Abbot  Gilbert,  and  wished  to  make  a  single  collection  out  of  them ;  but 
some  foreign  matter  has  evidently  crept  in,  and  there  is  a  great  deal  of 
confusion.    Nevertheless  we  have  here  a  valuable  addition  to  our  know- 

'  See  the  notes  to  the  dedicatory  letter,  printed  below,  p.  82.  After  the  ascription  of 
praise  which  closes  the  book  as  hitherto  known  ('per  omnia  saecula  saeculorum .  amen.') 
this  MS  continues:  'Ex  condicto  item  convenimus  die  altero,  et  considentes  loqui  cepimus. 
Kogasti  ut  cogitarem  ac  recogitarem....'  New  matter  here  follows  (fif.  15 — 17  6)  down  to 
'  et  scripture  sacre  auctoritatem  esse  probatur. ' 


Literary  Remains 


55 


ledge  of  Gilbert's  writings ;  and  we  have  certainly  got  the  two  treatises 
'  De  anima '  and  '  De  casu  diaboli '  of  which  Boston  of  Bury  speaks. 

ii.  Brit.  Mus.  Cotton.  Vesp.  A.  xiv :  described  in  Gatal.  of  Romances, 
II  529,  as  a  small  quarto,  vellum,  about  A.D.  1200.  Three  MSs  are  here 
bound  up  together ;  and  the  middle  one,  which  concerns  us,  is  badly  cut 
at  the  bottom  in  binding. 

1.  flF.  1 — 105.    Kalendar,  with  saints  mainly  Welsh;  followed  by  lives  of  some. 

2.  f.  106.  Correspondence  between  Gregory  the  Great  and  Augustine :  from  Beds, 
f.  109.    O.  abbot  of  Westminster  to  A.  abp  of  Canterbury:  On  the  Holy  Spirit 

(see  below,  p.  70). 
f.  111.    Vision  of  Drihthelm,  &c. :  from  Bede. 

3.  ff.  114— 179.    Epp.  of  Alcuin,  &c. 

Here  we  have  another  tract  of  Gilbert's,  oddly  preserved  amid  alien 
matter'. 

iii.  St  Johns  College,  Oxford,  no.  149.  This  codex  is  described  in 
detail  in  Coxe's  catalogue :  I  shall  therefore  state  its  contents  sum- 
marily, only  calling  attention  to  one  or  two  new  points  of  interest''. 
Coxe  assigns  it  to  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century :  it  may  be 
rather  earlier :  some  leaves,  as  we  shall  see,  are  undoubtedly  earlier. 

f.  1.  Ailred's  Life  of  St  Edward.  [I  have  collated  this  with  Twysden's  edition  :  the 
chapter-headings  are  throughout  different;  and  it  contains  the  story  of  the 
devil  and  the  money-bags,  which  is  not  in  Twysden,  but  is  to  be  read  in 
Richard  of  Cirencester,  Spec.  Hist,  iv  9.  Twysden  got  his  ms  from  Ussher:  it 
is  probably  no.  172  in  Triu.  Coll.  Dublin:  it  was  a  Westminster  book.] 

f.  59  b.    Abbo's  Life  of  St  Edmund. 

f.  72  b.    Passion  of  St  Kenelm. 

f.  82.         „       „  St  Christina. 

f.  91  b.       „       „  SS.  Faith,  Hope  and  Charity. 

f.  99.    I'lidpit  liber  domni  Gisleberti  de  synioniacis  (see  below,  pp.  57  ff..  Ill — 24). 

f.  111.    Virtues  of  St  Gregory  of  Neo-Caesarea. 

f.  114.    Revelations  of  St  Elizabeth. 

f.  170.    Poem  on  B.V.M. 

f.  176.    Passion  of  St  Margaret. 

f.  181  b.  Passion  of  11,000  virgins  of  Cologne.  [The  page,  by  means  of  enlarge- 
ments of  the  letter  «,  is  made  to  end  with  '  pregustaret ' :  the  next  page  (182  a) 

1  It  was  noticed  by  the  learned  authors  of  the  Histoire  Litteraire  de  la  France  in  their 
account  of  Gilbert  Crispin  (t.  x.  pp.  192—201).  My  attention  was  called  to  both  the  above- 
mentioned  Mss  by  Mr  Herbert  of  the  Britisli  Museum. 

2  I  have  to  thank  the  President  and  Fellows  for  granting  me  special  facilities  for 
consulting  this  ms,  so  that  I  was  able  to  transcribe  Gilbert's  treatise  in  the  abbey  in  which 
he  wrote  it. 


56 


Gilbert  Crispm 


goes  on  'ut  inenarrabilcm '  in  an  earlier  hand;  and  there  is  the  remainder  of  a 
leaf  which  has  been  cut  away  before  this.  The  Passion  ends  on  f.  191  a  {ad  fin.) 
without  an  explicit:  f.  191  6  is  blank.] 

f  192.    'Concilium  remis  habitum  presidente  papa  calixto'  (still  the  earlier  hand). 

f  193.    Proverbial  venses  (returning  to  the  hand  of  the  first  portion  of  the  codex). 

f.  198.    Lections  for  SS.  Cyriacus,  &c. 

f.  205  b.    Scraps  of  proverbs,  &c.  by  various  hands,  but  giving  no  guidance  a.s  to  the 
provenance  of  the  book. 

It  is  a  mystery  how  Abbot  Gilbert's  treatise  De  Simoniacis  came  to 
be  embodied  in  a  collection  of  this  kind.  Its  recovery  puts  an  end  to 
an  interesting  speculation  of  H.  Boehmer,  in  his  valuable  book  on 
'  Church  and  State  in  England  and  Normandy  in  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries.'  He  had  suggested  that  a  tract  '  De  sacramentis 
hereticorum,'  which  is  the  answer  of  a  certain  '  magister  G.'  to  a  ques- 
tion put  by  a  '  discipulus  G.',  might  be  the  work  which  the  Bee  catalogue 
ascribed  to  Abbot  Gilbert  under  the  title  '  De  simoniacis  et  de  veritate 
corporis  et  sanguinis  domini.'  The  fact  that  the  judgment  of  a  certain 
'  sacer  senex,'  presumed  to  be  Anselm,  is  referred  to,  and  the  occurrence 
of  Gilbert's  Disputation  with  a  Jew  in  the  same  codex,  formed  the 
gprounds  of  the  theory :  but  the  highly  rhetorical  style  of  the  writer 
made  the  identification  very  doubtful.  It  need  not  now  be  further 
considered  ^ 

We  pass  now  to  consider  certain  works  which  have  been  wrongly 
assigned  to  Gilbert  Crispin. 

(1)  Homil.  47  in  Cantica  Canticorum.  The  only  evidence  for  giving 
this  to  our  Gilbert  appears  to  be  Leland,  who  found  a  copy  of  it  at 
Wardon  (Collectan.  iv  12);  but  when  he  next  mentions  the  book  (as  at 
Peterhouse,  Cambridge)  he  assigns  it  simply  to  '  Gilbertus  monachus.' 
Gerberon  (Migne,  P.L.  158,  col.  1167)  refers  to  these  Homilies,  'quas 
apud  Eberbacenses  exstare  monet  additiuncula  in  Trithem.'  Boston  of 
Bury,  however,  attributes  them  to  '  Gilbertus  Albus  monachus  et  abbas 
de  Swyneshed.'  This  is  Gilbert  of  Hoyland,  who  was  a  pupil  of  St 
Bernard  and  by  him  made  a  Cistercian  (Tanner).  There  is  no  doubt 
that  this  is  the  true  attribution :  for  St  Bernard's  86  discourses  on  the 
Song  of  Songs''  end  at  iii  1,  where  his  exposition  was  cut  short  by 
death.  Gilbert  took  it  up  at  this  point,  but  his  own  death  cut  it  short 
again  at  v  10. 

1  See  Boehmer,  Kirche  u.  Staat,  p.  172  ;  and  for  the  text  of  the  tract  Monumenta 
Germaniue  Historica,  Lib.  de  lite  in  12 — 20  (from  Wolfenbiittel  ma  782). 
«  Migne,  P.  L.  184,  col.  ii. 


Literary  Remains 


67 


Besides  the  Peterhouse  ms,  there  is  one  at  Trin.  Coll.  Dublin, 
no.  117  [A.  5.  5] :  '  Incipit  tractatus  Gisleberti  abbatis  super  cantica. 
canticorum,  ab  eo  loco  [iii  1]:  In  lectulo  meo...Varii  sunt  aniantiuni 
atfectus... ':  47  tractates,  ending, '  qui  approximant  illi  approxiuiant  igni. 
amen.   Expliciunt  cantica  canticorum  secundum  magistrum  Gilbertum.' 

(2)  Covimentary  on  Jeromes  Prologues.  Cave,  Hist.  Litt.  i  634 
(Lond.  1688),  assigns  to  Gilbert  Crispin : 

Item  in  prologos  S.  Uieronymi  super  Biblia,  ibid.  [i.e.  Peterhouse]. 
Contra  peccata  cogitationis,  locutionis  et  operis,  in  bibliotheca  privata  Gualteri 
Cope. 

Of  the  second  of  these  I  know  nothing.  Of  the  first  there  is  a 
MS  at  Turin  (Pasini,  cod.  mclx  :  f.  ii  21 :  saec.  xiv),  which  on  Cave's 
authority  is  assigned  to  Gilbert  Crispin.  I  have  examined  the  Peter- 
house MS  (Bernard's  Catal.,  1754  :  Dr  James's,  259).  On  a  fly-leaf  in 
a  seventeenth  century  hand  is  written,  '  Com.  Gilberti  in  prologos 
Hieronomi  in  Biblia.'  On  f  77a  we  find  a  mention  of  Gilbert,  which 
probably  has  led  to  the  error :  '  Incipit  prologus  vel  potius  introitus 
gilberti  pictagavensis  in  apocalipsim.'  Gilbert  de  la  Poree,  bishop  of 
Poitiers,  appears  to  be  meant. 

(3)  Commentaries  on  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  assigned  to  our  Gilbert 
by  Pits,  and  perhaps  some  other  expository  writings  so  assigned,  may 
also  with  probability  be  given  to  Gilbert  de  la  Poree. 

(4)  Liber  de  statu  Ecclesiae,  also  assigned  to  our  Gilbert  by  Pits, 
belongs  to  'Gilbertus  Lunicensis,'  bp  of  Limerick:  see  Migne,  P.L.  159, 
col.  995  and  1003. 

Of  the  genuine  writings  of  Gilbert  Crispin  there  remain  three  items 
in  the  Bee  list  which  still  elude  us^ : 

Sermo  in  dedicatione  ecclesiae. 
Omelia  super  Cu7n  ingressus  Jesus. 
Epistolae  in. 

But  we  may  feel  satisfied  that  we  have  undoubtedly  got  nearly 
everything  that  is   mentioned  on  good  authority  as  having  been 

'  The  De  veritate  coiporis  et  sanguinis  domini,  which  follows  the  De  Simoniacis  in  the 
Bee  list,  is  doubtless  meant  for  a  separate  title.  In  Brit.  Mus.  Addit.  8166  (described 
above)  after  the  discussion  '  de  angelo  perdito '  (f.  18  6)  follows  a  discussion  '  de  altaris 
Sacramento'  which  perhaps  is  the  tract  in  question.  There  is  also  in  the  same  manuscript 
a  poem  entitled  De  corpore  et  sanguine  domini,  which  begins:  '  Mysterio  magno  legali 
vescimur  agno.'  But  it  consists  of  only  about  twenty-five  lines,  and  is  not  at  all  likely  to 
have  been  singled  out  for  notice  in  a  catalogue. 


58 


Gilbert  Crisnin 


written  by  him.  The  following  is  a  summary  list  of  his  extant 
works : 

1.  Life  of  Herluin:  Corp.  Chr.  Camb.,  318. 

2.  Disputation  with  a  Jew  :  many  MSS. 

3.  De  Simoniacis :  St  John's,  Oxf ,  149. 

4.  De  Spiritu  Sancto :  Vesp.  A.  xiv. 

5.  De  casu  diaboli : 

6.  De  anima : 

7.  Sermo  in  ramis  palmarum  :  J-  B.  M.  Addit.  8116. 

8.  Versus  ad  Anselmum  : 

9.  Disputatio  Christiani  cum  gentili 


1.    The  Life  of  Herluin,  first  abbot  of  Bee. 

It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  this,  which  in  course  of  time  has 
come  to  be  the  most  important  of  Gilbert  Crispin's  works,  should 
never  have  been  printed  in  a  complete  form.  It  is  the  foundation  of  all 
our  knowledge  of  the  great  Norman  abbey  which  gave  Lanfi-anc  and 
Anselm,  and  afterwards  Theobald,  to  the  archiepiscopal  throne  of 
Canterbury ;  and,  as  Gilbert  lived  at  Bee  for  twenty-five  years,  and  only 
left  it  a  few  years  after  Herluin's  death,  his  narrative  has  a  unique 
worth  which  careful  historians  have  not  failed  to  recognise.  But  in 
truth,  paradoxical  as  it  may  sound,  its  very  value  as  a  historical  docu- 
ment has  involved  its  text  in  this  unmerited  neglect.  For  the  writer  of 
Lanfranc's  Life'  relied  almost  exclusively  upon  it  for  the  earlier  part  of 
the  archbishop's  career,  and  embodied  large  sections  of  it  in  his  bio- 
graphy. When  Luc  d'Achery  edited  Lanfranc's  works  in  1648,  he 
prefixed  to  them  the  Vita  Lan/ranci,  and  he  added  in  an  appendix 
Gilbert's  Vita  Herluini.  But  in  order  to  save  repetition  he  did  not 
print  the  latter  work  in  full ;  and  he  puts  us  off  again  and  again  with  a 
disappointing  '  &c.,'  referring  us  for  the  omitted  passages  to  the  earlier 
pages  of  his  volume.  Unfortunately  the  changes  and  additions  which 
the  author  of  Lanfranc's  Life  had  introduced  make  it  impossible  thus  to 
reconstruct  Gilbert's  work  with  accuracy :  we  are  in  constant  danger  of 
ascribing  to  Gilbert  words  that  he  never  wrote.  The  most  striking 
instance  of  this  is  the  stoiy  of  Lanfranc's  adventure  with  the  robbers, 
which  is  commonly  supposed  to  have  decided  him  to  adopt  the  monastic 
life.    Of  this  adventure  there  are  two  somewhat  different  traditions. 


'  Milo  Crispin,  precentor  of  Bee  (t  c  1150) :  see  above,  p.  18. 


Literary  Remains 


59 


One  of  them  is  given  in  the  Vita  Lanfranci,  where  it  occurs  in  the 
middle  of  a  passage  borrowed  from  Gilbert's  work :  hnt  as  a  matter 
of  fact  it  is  altogether  absent  from  the  Vita  Herluini,  and  thus  loses 
what  has  hitherto  appeared  to  be  its  most  important  attestation. 

It  is  only  in  this  mutilated  form  that  Gilbert's  Life  of  Herluin  has 
hitherto  been  known  to  scholars^.  It  exists  in  manuscript  in  the  library 
of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  in  a  codex  (no.  318)  given  to 
Abp  Parker  by  the  Dean  of  Rochester.  This  is  a  Rochester  book  of  the 
twelfth  century,  beginning  with  Ailred's  Life  of  St  Edward,  and  con- 
taining among  other  pieces  Eadmer's  Life  of  St  Anselm. 

It  is  also  found  in  a  codex  of  the  Vatican  (no.  399  fonds  de  la  reine 
de  Su^e),  which  contains  the  lives  of  the  early  abbots  and  the  Chronicon 
Beccense.  This  MS  was  written  c.  1480 :  a  copy  of  it  made  by  Andrd 
Duchesne  is  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris  (lat.  5427).  See 
L.  Delisle,  Notice  swr  vingt  manuscrits  du  Vatican,  1877  (extr.  de  la 
Bibliotheque  de  I'^lcole  des  Chartes),  and  Por^e,  Chronique  duBec  (1883), 
p.  xiv. 

D'Achery  probably  printed  his  text  from  one  of  the  MSS  described 
by  Montfaucon  {Bihliotheca  biblioth.  MSS,  ii  254)  as  existing  at  Bee  at 
the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

In  the  Historia  Normannorum  of  William  of  Jumieges  (1.  vii,  c.  22  : 
Duchesne,  p.  279),  after  a  brief  mention  of  Abbot  Herluin,  we  read  : 

Si  quis  vero  conversionem  et  conversationem  ipsius  plenius  nosse  desiderat, 
librum  qui  de  vita  ejusdem  patris  venerandi  elegauti  sermone  conscriptiis  est  a  viro 
religioso  Gisleberto  Crispino,  po.stea  abbate  Westemonasterii,  et  tarn  nobilitate 
generis  quam  scientia  saeculari  et  divina  pollenti,  perquirens  relegat,  in  quo  suffi- 
cienter  reperiet  vmde  suo  desiderio  satisfaciat. 

In  1.  vi,  c.  9  of  the  same  work  (Duchesne,  pp.  261 — 265)  large  por- 
tions of  Gilbert's  book  are  actually  embodied.  M.  Leopold  Delisle, 
however,  writing  of  two  MSS  of  W.  of  Jumieges  at  Leyden  (nos.  20  and 
77)  in  Melanges  de  Pal.  p.  173,  says  that  it  is  known  that  Orderic 
Vitalis,  c.  1130,  in  the  abbey  of  St  Evroul  revised  and  completed  the 
work  of  W.  of  Jumieges,  and  that  some  ten  years  later  this  text  was 
further  developed  by  Robert  of  Torigny  in  the  abbey  of  Bee.  This 
particular  chapter,  commencing  '  Circa  haec  tempora,'  which  concerns 
the  history  of  Bee,  has  long  been  pointed  out  as  an  interpolation  by 

»  It  is  reprinted  in  Mabillon,  Acta  SS.  Ord.  Ben.  s.  vi,  in  Migne  P.  L.  150,  col.  697  S., 
and  by  Giles  (Lanfranc's  Works,  Oxf.  1844) :  Giles  knew  of  no  us  of  the  Vita  (ibid,  i  406), 


60 


Gilbert  Crisjnu 


Robert.  In  one  of  the  Leyden  MSS  it  has  been  added  subsequently, 
and  a  leaf  has  been  inserted  to  make  room  for  it. 

Gilbert's  work  has  been  I'ecast  in  the  Altera  vita  Herluini,  printed 
in  the  Acta  SS.  ordinis  S.  Benedicti  (saec.  vi,  part  ii,  pp.  335 — 365)  from 
an  ancient  Bee  codex.  After  the  prologue,  '  Quoniam  Christi  militis 
Herluini,'  &c.,  it  begins :  '  Felix  in  domino  vir  Herluinus,  primus  pater 
et  fundator  Beccensis  ovilis,'  &c.  This  is  to  be  found  in  a  Jumieges 
codex  in  the  public  library  at  Rouen,  U.  102,  saec.  xii — xiii.  The 
writer  does  not  mention  Gilbert's  name :  perhaps  he  did  not  know  it, 
for  the  Vita  Herluini  probably  circulated  anonymously  \  He  says  that 
some  found  the  old  Life  tasteless  and  others  found  it  tedious  I  His 
new  Life,  however,  extends  to  much  the  same  length  ;  and  two  sentences 
will  suffice  to  shew  the  style  which  he  preferred :  (p.  362)  '  Coepit  ergo 
deo  dignus  minister  digna  dignis  altaribus  digne  ministrare ' :  (p.  363) 
'  Dux  siquidem  immundorum  in  mundum  immundum  egressuro  im- 
mundo  per  immunda  loca  immunditiae  suae  signaverat  sero  vestigial' 
We  may  be  thankful  that  Abbot  Gilbert  did  not  consult  '  the  urbanity 
of  the  moderns '  after  this  fashion. 

2.    Disputation  of  a  Christian  and  a  Jew. 

If  it  is  beyond  all  reasonable  question  that  the  Life  of  Abbot  Herluin 
is  now  the  most  interesting  and  most  valuable  of  Gilbert  Crispin's 
works,  it  was  otherwise  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  Far 
more  popular  was  the  Disputatio  Judaei  cum  Christiana,  a  controversial 
work  of  exceptional  fairness,  dedicated  by  Gilbert  to  his  old  master 
Archbishop  Anselm,  and  in  temper  at  any  rate  not  unworthy  of  his 
school. 

Two  copies  of  this  book  were  in  the  Bee  library  in  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century,  the  second  being  part  of  the  legacy  of  Philip  Harcourt, 
bp  of  Bayeux.  In  England  Boston  of  Bury  vouches  for  copies  at  West- 
minster, Bury  and  Brinkbourne  in  the  fifteenth  century.    The  following 

1  In  the  xiith  cent,  list  of  the  Bee  library  it  occurs  in  the  following  entry  without  the 
name  of  the  author :  '  In  uno.  Dicta  beati  Gregorii  pape  super  cantica,  et  vita  domni 
Herluini  abbatis,  et  vita  beati  Anselmi  archiepiscopi  Cantuariensis '  (cf.  Migne  P.  L.  150 
col.  771  f.). 

2  Prologue  (p.  359)  :  '  Licet  olim  digesta  sit  a  viro  ut  fertur  erudito  sen  etiam  lingua 
diserto,  sterilem  tamen  in  ea  prolixitatem  et  incompositam  dictaminis  barbariem  moder- 
norum  abhorret  urbanitas  :  praesertim  cum  ex  uno  insipida  ex  altero  taediosa  non  immerito 
judicetur.' 

8  Cf.  infra  p.  95. 


Literary  Remains 


61 


list  of  existing  MSS,  which  makes  no  pretence  of  completeness,  will 

shew  at  a  glance  how  widely  it  was  distributed  in  early  times. 

1.  British  Museum,  Addit.  8166  [xii]. 

2.  „  „       Tit.  D.  xvi  [xii] :  from  St  Alban's. 

3.  Oxford,  Bodl.  839  [xii]. 

4.  Paris,  Bibl.  Nat.  Lat.  12,311  [xii]. 

5.  „       „       „    Lat.  14,858  [xii]. 

6.  Troyes,  423  [xii]. 

7.  Valenciennes,  249  [xii] :  from  St  Amand. 

8.  Rouen,  1174  (fragm.)  [xii]. 

9.  Evreux,  4  [xii]  :  from  abbey  of  Lyre. 

10.  Munich,  Lat.  14,509  (fragm.  init.)  [xii]. 

11.  „      Lat.  324  [xiii]. 

12.  Wolfenbiittel,  782  [xii]  :  from  Lampspring. 

It  was  printed  by  Dom  Gabriel  Gerberon  in  his  great  edition  of 
St  Anselm  in  1675  ('In  ms.  biblioth.  Remig.  B.  10,  et  ex  ms.  Victorino 
cc.  9,  et  ex  ms.  San-Germanensi ').  It  is  reprinted  in  Migne,  P.  L.  159, 
col.  1005  flf. 

In  the  Bihliotheca  Patrum,  Lugd.  xx,  p.  1884,  there  is  printed  under 
the  name  of  William  de  Champeaux  a  treatise  entitled  Altercatio 
Christiani  cum  Judaeo  de  fide  Catholica.  This  is  preceded  by  an  epistle 
dedicatory  to  Alexander,  bp  of  Lincoln,  which  is  closely  parallel  to 
Gilbert's  letter  of  dedication  to  St  Anselm^ :  and  the  opening  sentences 
of  the  dialogue  itself  bon-ow  thoughts  and  phrases  from  the  beginning 
of  Gilbert's  work,  though  presently  the  writer  takes  an  independent  line 
of  his  own. 

William  de  Champeaux  (de  Gampellis)  is  a  notable  figure  in  the 
history  of  philosophy  at  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century :  he  was 
for  a  time  the  teacher  of  Abelard,  and  he  afterwards  became  bishop  of 
Chalons-sur-Mame.  It  is  exceedingly  unlikely  that  he  should  have 
written  such  a  treatise  as  that  which  we  are  considering.  Indeed  the 
only  reason  for  referring  it  to  him  appears  to  be  its  occurrence  in  a 
'  codex  Catalaunensis.'  Now  William  of  Champeaux  is  said  to  have  died 
in  Jan.  1121 ;  and,  even  if  this  be  Jan.  1122  of  our  reckoning,  we  cannot 
escape  an  anachronism :  for  Alexander  was  nominated  to  the  bishopric 
of  Lincoln  at  the  Easter  court  of  1123,  and  was  consecrated  in  the 
following  July. 

1  This  letter,  which  is  anonymous,  is  printed  at  the  end  of  Gilbert's  Dispntatio  in 
Migne,  P.  L.  159,  col.  1036. 


62 


Gilbert  Crispin 


We  may  with  probability  attribute  the  work  to  some  English 
admirer  of  Gilbert's  treatise,  who  wished  to  ingratiate  himself  with 
a  powerful  bishop.  But  it  does  not  reflect  Gilbert's  modest  and  gentle 
spirit.  It  is  worth  while  to  read  the  two  works  together  in  order  to  see 
how  much  Gilbert  rises  above  the  ordinary  controversialist  of  his  day. 
The  later  writer  is  evidently  dissatisfied  with  the  leniency  with  which 
the  earlier  writer  treats  his  opponent.  He  is  determined  to  secure  the 
victory  for  the  Christian  disputant:  he  substitutes  threatenings  for 
arguments,  and  overwhelms  his  opponent  with  New  Testament  quota- 
tions :  it  is  obvious  that  he  is  writing  a  book  rather  to  please  Christians 
than  to  convert  Jews. 

As  Gilbert's  Disputatio  is  not  here  reprinted,  it  will  be  well  to  give 
some  account  of  it  in  detail.  It  is  not  cast  in  the  form  of  a  conversa- 
tional dialogue,  but  consists  of  seven  set  speeches  on  either  side ;  those 
of  the  Jew,  who  raises  the  objections,  being  much  shorter  than  those  of 
the  Christian,  who  has  to  make  somewhat  elaborate  replies,  and  also  to 
carry  on  a  counter-attack.  The  whole  treatment  is  eminently  fair :  the 
difficulties  propounded  by  the  Jew  are  genuine  difficulties,  and  to  some 
of  them  a  fully  satisfactory  reply  cannot  easily  be  given.  There  is  no 
loss  of  temper  on  either  side,  and  at  the  end  there  is  no  token  of  sur- 
render and  no  note  of  triumph. 

That  the  Christian  position  was  sufficiently  maintained  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  early  middle  ages  is  shewn  by  the  wide  and  rapid 
circulation  of  the  book,  and  by  the  fame  which  Gilbert  acquired  by 
means  of  it.  And  that  his  kindly  reasonableness  was  not  without 
immediate  effect  we  may  gather  from  the  closing  paragraph  of  his 
dedicatory  letter  to  St  Anselm.  For,  while  he  does  not  claim  to  have 
influenced  his  learned  opponent,  who  had  been  educated  at  Mainz,  he 
says  that  a  London  Jew  by  God's  mercy  had  been  converted  at  West- 
minster, had  there  made  public  profession  of  his  faith  and  received 
baptism,  and  had  enrolled  himself  in  Christ's  service  as  a  monk  of 
Gilbert's  own  abbey. 

A  few  quotations  will  serve  to  shew  how  keen  a  disputant  Gilbert 
had  to  deal  with,  and  will  also  bring  out  some  minor  points  of  interest 
which  lie  buried  in  a  treatise  that  not  many  people  are  likely  to  read. 

(1)  The  Jew  makes  his  own  position  clear:  he  believes  Christ  to 
have  been  a  great  prophet ;  he  will  even,  he  says,  '  believe  Christ ' ;  but 
he  will  not  '  believe  in  Christ,'  but  only  in  the  One  God : 

Christum  credo  prophetara  quidem  omni  virtutum  praerogativa  excellentissi- 
mum,  et  Christo  credain ;  sed  in  Christum  neque  credo,  neque  credam ;  quia  non 


Literary  Remains 


63 


credo  nisi  in  deum,  et  unum.  Audi,  inquit,  Israel,  deus  tuus  deus  unus  est :  unus, 
non  triplex,  sicut  vos  Christiani  et  negando  dicitis  et  dicendo  negatis 

(2)  Quoting  Isa.  ii.  3,  he  contrasts  the  invitation  to  '  go  up  to  the 
house  of  the  God  of  Jacob '  with  the  Christian  custom  of  calling 
churches  by  the  names  of  saints: 

Alii  vestrum  dicunt,  Eamus  ad  domum  Petri ;  alii,  Ad  domum  Pauli ;  alii,  Ad 
domum  Martini :  nuUi  vero  dicunt,  Eamus  ad  domum  dei  lacob  (col.  1012). 

In  his  reply  Gilbert  says  : 

Quod  autem  dicere  nos  arguitis,  Eamus  ad  domum  Petri,  eamus  ad  domum 
Pauli,  ad  domum  Martini;  nullus  qui  sane  sapit  hoc  ita  dictum  esse  intelligit. 
nullam  quippe  domum  Petro  seu  Paulo  facimus,  sed  in  honorem  atque  memoriam 
Petri  seu  Pauli  deo  eam  condimus.  nec  ulli  pontificum  fas  est  dicere  in  con- 
secrationibus  ecclesiarum,  Tibi  Petro,  seu  Paulo,  banc  domum  vel  hoc  altare 
consecramus :  sed,  Tibi  deo  in  honorem  Petri,  seu  Pauli,  banc  domum  vel  hoc 
altare  consecramus.  propterea  vero  haec  domus  potissimum  appellatur  domus  dei 
Jacob,  ac  specialius  nominatur  Jacob,  quia  primus  omnium  legitur  Jacob  deo 
instituisse  banc  domum.  Erexit,  inquit,  Jacob  lapidem  in  titulum,  fundens  oleum 
desuper;  et  dixit,  Vere  locus  iste  sanctus  est:  et  enumeratis  quae  viderat  caelesti- 
bus  mysteriis  obstupefactus  addidit,  Quam  terribilis  est  locus  iste,  non  est  hie 
aliud  nisi  domus  dei  et  porta  caeli.  domus  ergo  dei  nostri  est  domus  dei  Jacob, 
quia  deum  quem  colimus  coluit  Abraham  quoque  Isaac  et  Jacob,  in  hac  domo  dei 
cotidie  divinus  sermo  recitatur,  populus  fidelis  quae  bona  appetat  et  quae  mala 
fugiat  edocetur,  ac  simul  quae  appetendorum  sint  praemia  et  quae  mala  quae 
agxmtur  poena  comitetui"  (col.  1014). 

(3)  Speaking  of  the  prophecy  of  Emmanuel,  the  Jew  says : 

Animo  libenti  accipimus  de  Christo  dictum,  Et  vocabitur  nomen  ejus  Nobiscum 
deus :  hoc  est,  tantae  dignitatis  et  gratiae  erit  apud  deum,  ut  in  eo  et  per  eum 
dominus,  id  est  domini  virtus,  sit  nobiscum.  numquid  quotiens  ad  vestrarum 
solemnia  missarum  dicitis,  Dominus  vobiscum,  statim  consequitur  ut  deus  homo 
fiat,  vel  in  turba  homo  factus  consistat? 

(4)  From  the  scheme  of  the  Atonement  which  Gilbert  sets  out  at 
length  in  col.  1021  ff.  (beginning,  'Nosti  quoniam  Genesis...),  one 
passage  may  here  be  given : 

Quod  si  novus  vel  aliunde  natus  homo,  seu  angelus  factus  homo,  hominem 
liberaret,  non  sic  ad  pristinum  dignitatis  ingenitae  statum  restitui  posset,  cum 
enim  angelis  homo  par  creatus,  non  natura  sed  rationis  et  concessae  libertatis 
gratia,  soli  deo  creatori  ad  serviendum  obnoxius  erat,  ad  eundem  libertatis  statum 
seu  per  hominem  seu  per  angelum  restitui  non  valebat :  a  quo  enim  quis  a  servitute 
redimitur,  ei  ad  serviendum  obnoxius  esse  judicatur.    quia  ergo  per  alium  plena 

1  Migne,  P.  L.  150,  col.  1011.  In  the  following  quotations  1  have  corrected  the  text 
from  Brit.  Mus.  Addit.  8166  and  Titus  D.  xvi. 


64 


Gilbert  Crispin 


hominis  restitutio  fieri  non  valebat,  necesse  fuit  ut  creator  creaturae  subveniret, 
creaturam  creator  subiret,  ut  per  ipsum  creatorem  homo  restitutus  soli  creator!  ad 
serv-iendum  obnoxius  remaneret,  et  hostis  jure  ditionem  supra  genus  humanum 
habitam  amitteret.  nihil  enim  in  Christo  suum  hostis  invenerat,  qui  neque  in 
iniquitatibus  conceptus  erat,  neque  in  peccato  partus  fiierat,  neque  ullam  prorsus 
peccati  maculam  vivendo  contraxerat.  quia  igitur  praesuniptione  injusta  mors  in 
eum  feriendo  deliquit,  in  quo  nihil  suum  reppererat,  nil  omnino  juris  habebat ; 
jure  amisit  earn  jurisdictionem  quam  peccato  primi  hominis  in  hominera  primum 
ejusque  posteritatem  obtinuerat  (col.  1023). 

The  first  half  of  this  passage  finds  a  close  parallel  in  the  fifth  chapter 
of  the  first  book  of  the  Cur  Deus  Homo :  but  it  may  be  questioned 
whether  Gilbert  would  have  written  the  latter  part  after  the  publica- 
tion of  that  work,  which  Anselm  finished  during  his  exile  at  Capua 
in  1098.  For  Anselm  had  perceived  the  objection  to  admitting  any 
'  claim '  of  the  devil  {ibid.  ll,  c.  7),  and  had  lifted  the  whole  question 
into  a  higher  region. 

(5)  The  Jew  has  already  complained  of  the  violence  done  to  the 
Scriptures  by  the  determination  of  the  Christians  to  find  everywhere 
prophecies  of  Christ.  In  the  following  passage  he  recurs  to  this  topic, 
and  then  proceeds  to  challenge  the  text  of  the  Old  Testament  which 
Christians  use. 

Si  fas  est  Christianis  hoc  modo  scripturas  de  Christo  legere  et  interpretari, 
multo  plura  invenietis  quae  ita  quoquo  modo  poteritis  interpretari.  nos  vestras 
litteras  uescimus,  et  fortasse  multa  dicitis  esse  apud  vos  scripta  quae  apud  nos 
scripta  esse  non  credimus.  sed  si  deus  mibi  et  tibi  vitam  praestare  voluerit,  majori 
otio  ad  te  revertar,  librorum  conferemus  et  apud  nos  et  apud  vos  exemplaria,  et 
ista  requiremus  exempla.  ipse  quidem  fateor  summae  ineptiae,  immo  dementiae, 
esse  sen  me  seu  te  contra  evidentia  scripturarum  exempla  et  auctoritates  resistere  ; 
et  idcirco  ad  praesens  non  est  opus  te  ulterius  disputando  procedere.  nam  revera 
vos  Christian!  multa  profertis  de  lege  et  prophetis,  quae  non  sunt  scripta  in  lege  et 
prophetis.  illud  enim  quod  de  Jeremia  posuisti:  Post  haec  in  terris  deus  visus 
est,  et  cum  hominibus  conversatus  est  {Barmh  iii  38),  multaque  huic  versui 
superius  annexa,  Jeremias  non  dixit,  non  scripsit.  quod  si  hoc  in  Jeremia  scriptum 
esse  inveneris,  caetera  veracissime  dicta  esse  concede;  si  autem  in  Jeremia  non 
inveneris,  depone  tantam  adversum  nos  animositatem  ;  erubesce  adinventam  contra 
nos  falsitatem,  et  agnosce  primam  permanere  apud  nos  in  lege  et  prophetis  veritatem 
(col.  1026). 

This  is  a  dignified  rebuke.  It  is  followed  up  by  a  challenge  of 
the  famous  prophecy  of  Isaiah  (vii  14),  '  Ecce  virgo  concipiet,'  where  he 
says  that  the  meaning  is  not  '  virgo,'  but  '  abscondita ' :  and  he  adds 
that,  even  if  the  rendering  '  virgo '  be  admitted,  he  cannot  allow  the 
Christian  gloss  of  the  perpetual  virginity. 


Literary  Remains 


65 


Nam  et  illud  quod  universi  vos  Christiani  ore  tarn  securo  adversum  nos  pro- 
fertis:  Ecce  virgo  concipiet  et  pariet  filium,  Isaias  non  dixit,  non  scripsit;  sed 
tantum,  Ecce,  inquit,  abscondita  concipiet  et  pariet  filium.  tamen  si  hoc  ipsum 
dixisset  Isaias  quod  dicitis,  Ecce  virgo  concipiet  et  pariet  filium,  non  tamen  addidit 
quod  vestra  ex  parte  additis,  quod  virgo  in  conceptu  mansit  et  post  partum  virgo 
permansit.    hoc  nec  Isaias  dixit,  nee  ullus  alius  propheta  (col.  1027). 

(6)  Gilbert  clearly  knows  no  Hebrew,  and  he  falls  back  on  the 
Septuagint  translators  as  unbiassed  witnesses  of  the  true  text.  But  the 
Jew  on  his  part  knows  nothing  of  any  Seventy,  except  the  elders  whom 
Moses  set  to  rule  the  people.  The  discussion  (col.  1027  f)  is  too  long 
to  quote ;  but  it  has  an  interest  of  its  own,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that 
Gilbert  makes  no  reference  to  the  work  of  St  Jerome. 

(7)  The  last  objection  raised  by  the  Jew  is  interesting  for  its  refer- 
ence to  the  Christian  art  of  the  day :  it  may  even  have  been  suggested 
by  a  'Majesty'  in  Gilbert's  new  refectory.  The  Christian  has  quoted 
the  passage :  '  Confundantur  omnes  qui  adorant  sculptilia  et  qui  glori- 
antur  in  simulacris  suis ' ;  and  the  Jew  replies : 

Ex  hac  igitur  tua  illatione  colligi  potest,  Confundantur  et  Christiani ;  quia  et 
Christiani  adorant  sculptilia  et  gloriantur  in  simulacris  suis.  ipsum  etenim  deum 
effigiatis  aliquando  miserum  pendentem  in  patibulo,  cruci  clavis  aflfixum  (quod  ipso 
etiam  visu  horrendum  est),  idque  adoratis;  et  circa  crucem  efifigiatis  semipuerum 
solem  nescio  unde  exterritum  et  fugientem,  lunam  semipuellam  lugubrem,  semum- 
que  lucis  suae  cornu  occultantem.  aliquando  autem  deum  effigiatis  sublimi  solio 
sedentem  manuque  porrecta  signantem;  et  circa  eum,  quasi  magno  dignitatis 
praestigio',  aquilam  et  hominem,  vitulura  et  leonem.  has  effigies  Christiani  ex- 
sculpunt,  fabricant  et  depingunt  unde  possunt  et  ubi  possunt,  et  adorant  et  colunt : 
quod  lex  a  deo  data  omnimodo  fieri  vetat  (col.  1034). 

Gilbert's  defence  is  good.  He  reminds  the  Jew  of  the  cherubim  in 
the  temple  (1  Kings  vi  29),  and  of  the  twelve  oxen  which  supported 
the  laver  (1  Kings  vii  23—25).  He  justifies  the  evangelic  symbols 
from  the  Old  Testament  itself  (Ezek.  i  10) ;  and  he  distinguishes  care- 
fully between  the  adoration  of  God  and  the  adoration  of  the  Cross. 

Facimus  deo  picturas,  facimus  deo  caelaturas,  facimus  et  sculpturas ;  sed  divine 
cultu  nec  adoramus  nec  colimus  eas.  nam  ipsam  crucem,  quam  crucem  sanctam 
dicimus,  utique  lignum  non  deum  esse  dicimus,  nullamque  in  se  aut  ex  se  virtutem 
habere  eam  dicimus :  at  postquam  benedictione  pontificali  sanctificatur  in  memo- 
riam  dominicae  passionis,  jam  crucem  non  divino  sed  debito  venerationis  cultu 
attollimus,  adoramus  et  colimus ;  sicut  in  psalmo  dicitur,  Adorate  scabellum  pedum 
ejus,  quoniam  sanctum  est  (col.  1035). 

As  Gilbert's  dedicatory  letter,  which  speaks  of  the  visits  paid  him 
on  matters  of  business  by  the  Jew  who  had  been  educated  at  Mainz, 
'  Addit.  8166  has  'presagio':  but  Ducange  gives  praestigiitvi=praete.Ttum. 
K.  C.  5 


66 


Gilher-t  Crispin 


and  also  of  the  conversion  of  a  London  Jew,  gives  us  what  is  perhaps 
the  earliest  historical  reference  to  Jews  resident  in  England,  we  may- 
quote  here  the  passage  in  which  William  of  Malmesbury  informs  us 
that  the  Conqueror  had  brought  them  from  Rouen  and  settled  them 
in  London.    Writing  of  William  Rufus,  he  says: 

Insolentiae  vel  potius  inscientiae  contra  deum  hoc  fuit  signum.  Judaei  qui 
Londoniae  habitabant,  quos  pater  a  Rothomago  illuc  traduxerat,  eum  in  qiiadam 
solempnitate  adierunt  xeuia  ofFerentes :  quibus  delinitus  ausus  est  animare  ad 
conflictum  contra  Christianos.  Per  vultum,  ait,  de  Luca !  pronuntians  quod  si 
vicissent  in  eorum  sectam  transiret. 

Thus  William  of  Malmesbury  wrote  in  the  first  edition  of  his  Oesta 
Regum,  about  the  year  1125:  but  some  ten  years  or  more  afterwards, 
when  in  a  new  recension  he  softened  down  many  of  his  more  piquant 
statements,  he  recast  the  passage  as  follows : 

Insolentiae  in  deum  Judaei  suo  tempore  dedere  indicium :  semel  apud  Rotho- 
magum,  ut  quosdam  ab  errore  suo  refugas  ad  Judaismum  revocarent,  muneribus 
inflectere  conati ;  alia  vice  apud  Londoniam,  contra  episcopos  nostros  in  certamen 
animati,  quia  ille  ludibundus,  credo,  dixisset  quod  si  vicissent  Christianos  apertis 
argumentationibus  confutatos  in  eorum  sectam  transiret.  magno  igitur  timore 
episcoporum  et  clericorum  res  acta  est,  pia  sollicitudine  fidei  Christianae  timentium. 
et  de  hoc  quidem  certamine  nihil  Judaei  praeter  confusionem  retulerunt,  quamvis 
multotiens  jactarint  se  non  ratione  sed  factione  superatos. 

Here  the  '  insolence '  of  Rufus  has  become  the  '  insolence '  of  the 
Jews :  Rouen  is  mentioned  only  as  the  scene  of  an  attempt  to  recover 
converts  by  bribery ;  and  the  writer  directs  his  sarcasm  at  the  bishops 
who  tremble  at  the  possible  issue  of  an  open  debated 

The  kindly  feeling  of  St  Anselm  towards  converted  Jews  is  shewn 
by  a  letter  which  he  writes  to  Ernulf  the  prior  of  Christ  Church, 
Canterbury  [1096—1107],  and  William  the  archdeacon  of  Canterbury, 
bidding  them  see  to  the  welfare  of  a  convert  named  Robert : 

Ut  ea  hilari  pietate  et  pia  hilaritate,  qua  omnes  Christiani  debent  occurrere  et 
subvenire  de  Judaismo  ad  Christianitatem  fugienti,  curam  habeatis  hujus  Roberti, 
ne  ulla  indigentia  vel  occasione  quam  avertere  possimus  cogatur  paenitere,  qui 
propter  Christum  parentes  suos  et  legem  eorum  reliquerit.... Ordinate  itaque  vos, 
domne  prior,  de  eleemosyna,  non  per  servientes  (qui  plus  quaerunt  quae  sua  sunt 
quam  quae  dei  sunt),  sed  per  monachum  eleemosynarium ;  et  vos,  domine  Willelme, 
ex  his  quae  mihi  ex  archidiaconatu  servare  debetis,  quatenus  ille  cum  familiola  sua 
nullam  duram  patiatur  indigentiam,  sed  gaudeat  se  de  perfidia  transiisse  ad  veram 

»  W.  of  Malmesb.  Gesta  Regum,  Rolls  S.  ii  371.  The  outrageous  conduct  of  Kufus  in 
taking  the  bribes  and  terrifying  the  converted  Jews  into  renunciation  of  their  new  faith  is 
passed  over  by  this  writer:  but  it  is  told  at  full  length  by  Eadmer,  Hist.  Nov.  Rolls  S.  99  ff. 


Literary  Remains 


67 


fidem,  et  probet  ex  ipsa  nostra  pietate  quia  fides  nostra  propinquior  est  deo  quam 
Judaicai. 

Gilbert's  book  is  written  in  the  spirit  of  his  master,  and  it  is  a  book 
that  was  plainly  called  for  by  the  circumstances  of  the  time. 

3.    De  Simoniacis. 

Gilbert's  treatise  De  Simoniacis  deals  with  a  burning  question 
of  the  day,  and  administers  a  quiet  rebuke  to  many  angry  and  foolish 
words  which  were  being  spoken  about  it.  Herbert  Losinga,  the  other- 
wise excellent  bishop  of  Norwich,  had  paid  a  large  sum  to  William 
Rufus  for  his  appointment :  he  had  afterwards  gone  to  Rome  and  with 
a  deep  sense  of  repentance  resigned  his  office  into  the  Pope's  hands: 
he  had  been  absolved  and  reinstated.  Several  English  abbots  were 
charged  with  simony  at  the  Council  of  Westminster  in  1102,  and  were 
deposed  by  Anselm.  Moreover  the  struggle  regarding  Investitures  was 
represented  by  the  reforming  party  as  a  crusade  against  simony.  Theo- 
logical confusion  had  been  introduced,  and  the  minds  of  pious  people 
had  been  upset,  by  some  who  taught  that  the  sacraments  administered 
by  simoniacally  ordained  persons  were  no  sacraments  at  all,  and  that 
the  blessing  of  such  persons  was  a  curse. 

The  subject  was  mixed  up  with  high  politics  as  well  as  with 
common  Christian  duties.  It  needed  to  be  dealt  with  on  its  merits :  as 
a  question  of  theology  it  called  for  a  calm  and  even  academic  treatment. 
Gilbert  wisely  refuses  to  consider  what  is,  so  to  say,  only  constructive 
simony:  he  limits  himself  to  simony  in  its  proper  sense,  that  is,  the 
giving  of  money  in  order  to  obtain  holy  orders  ^  We  need  not  here 
trace  his  argument.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  his  method  is  absolutely 
fair :  he  sets  out  the  severer  view  first,  in  terms  which  could  hardly  be 
improved  on  by  its  advocates;  and  then  he  confronts  it  with  obvious 
facts,  with  the  judgments  of  authority,  and  with  delicate  reasonings. 
He  undertakes  no  more  than  to  state  the  case  on  either  side  for 
Anselm's  judgment.  The  tract  ends  abruptly  without  any  peroration. 
It  is  as  though  he  had  asked  a  question,  and  then  waited.    But  there 

•  Ans.  Epp.  Ill  117. 

^  The  curious  phraseology  'munus  a  manu,  munus  ab  officio'  is  explained  by  a  passage 
of  Gregory  (Horn,  in  Evanp.  i  4.  4)  :  '  Unde  bene,  cum  justum  virum  describeret  propheta, 
ait:  Qui  excutit  manus  suas  ab  omni  munere  (Isa.  xxxiii  15).  neque  enim  dicit,  Qui 
excutit  manus  suas  a  munere  ;  sed  adjunxit  ab  omni :  quia  aliud  est  munus  ab  obsequio, 
aliud  munus  a  manu,  aliud  munus  a  lingua,  munus  quippe  ab  obsequio  est  subjectio 
iudebite  impensa,  munus  a  manu  pecunia  est,  munus  a  lingua  favor.' 

5—2 


68 


Gilbert  Crispin 


can  be  no  doubt  as  to  his  own  position.  The  unworthiness  of  the 
minister,  in  his  view  as  in  ours,  hinders  not  the  effect  of  the  sacraments, 
'which  be  effectual,  because  of  Christ's  institution  and  promise,  although 
they  be  ministered  by  evil  men^.' 

Abbot  Gilbert  dwells  much  on  the  arguments  urged  against  the 
validity  of  the  sacramental  ministrations  of  simoniacal  persons  in  a 
book  which  he  knew  as  the  '  De  observatione  episcoporum '  of  Ambrose. 
It  is  clear  from  the  way  in  which  he  quotes  from  it  that  he  has  not  a 
copy  before  him  as  he  writes ;  for  he  prefaces  his  quotation  by  saying, 
'si  non  eisdem  verbis,  eodem  omnino  sensu  ista  dicit.'  In  the  Bee 
library  there  were  two  copies  of  'Ambrosius  de  observantia  episco- 
porum'; and  we  may  safely  assume  that  Gilbert  was  relying  on  his 
recollection  of  one  of  these,  and  that  he  failed  to  reproduce  the  exact 
title  of  the  work. 

The  book  is  printed  in  the  appendix  to  the  works  of  St  Ambrose 
(Migne,  P.L.  xvii,  col.  567:  but  in  the  reprint  of  Migne  it  is  trans- 
ferred to  Gerbert's  works)  under  the  title  De  dignitate  sacerdotali.  Its 
editor  remarks  that,  though  almost  every  manuscript  of  it  has  a  dif- 
ferent title,  they  all  with  one  single  exception  assign  it  to  St  Ambrose, 
to  whom  as  internal  evidence  shews  it  cannot,  in  his  opinion,  possibly 
belong.  The  single  exception  seems  to  point  to  the  true  authorship  : 
Sermo  Gilberti  philosophi,  papae  urbis  Romae,  qui  cognominatus  est 
Silvester,  de  informatione  episcoporum.  It  is  accordingly  assigned  to 
that  remarkable  personage,  Gerbert,  who  as  Pope  Silvester  occupied 
the  Roman  see  from  A.D.  999  to  1003. 

Unfortunately  for  this  theory  a  large  quotation  from  the  treatise  is 
made  by  Abbo  of  Fleury  in  his  Apologeticus,  addressed  to  the  kings 
Hugh  and  Robert,  the  former  of  whom  died  in  996 :  and  Abbo  gives 
as  its  author  'beatus  Ambrosius  in  sermone  pastorali^.'  Pfluck-Hart- 
tung,  who  has  pointed  this  out,  gives  back  the  tract  to  St  Ambrose^; 
and  supposes  that  Gerbert  may  have  worked  it  up  for  his  own  purposes 
in  the  considerably  modified  form  in  which  it  appears  in  the  one 
exceptional  MS  which  bears  his  name,  and  from  which  Mabillon  edited 
the  text  in  Vetera  Analecta,  ii  103  ff.  The  reasons  offered  for  the 
Ambrosian  authorship  are  by  no  means  strong:  possibly  they  are 
capable  of  being  reinforced.  It  should  at  any  rate  be  noted  that  the 
biblical  quotations  point  to  a  pre-Hieronymian  text. 


1  See  Article  xxvi.  2  jiigng  p.  L.  139,  col.  466. 

*  Neues  Archiv  der  Gesellgchaft  fur  die  dltere  deutsche  Geschichtskunde,  i  587  £f. 


Literary  Remains 


69 


The  first  half  of  the  book  is  mainly  an  exposition  of  St  Paul's 
description  of  a  bishop's  qualifications:  the  second  half  is  a  vigorous 
denunciation  of  the  simony  which  was  everywhere  current  in  the 
author's  day.  How  shamelessly  the  practice  was  defended  appears 
from  his  statement  that  a  bishop  would  say:  It  is  true  that  I  paid 
the  archbishop  so  much  for  my  consecration:  but  otherwise  I  should 
never  have  become  a  bishop  at  all.  If  I  live,  I  shall  ordain  priests 
and  deacons,  and  out  of  the  proceeds  I  shall  rectify  my  account,  so  that 
in  the  end  I  shall  be  able  to  say,  See !  my  bishopric  cost  me  nothing ! 

The  words  which  Gilbert  gives  as  conveying  the  author's  arguments 
do  not  occur  together  in  the  treatise,  but  are  scattered  over  a  con- 
siderable passage  which  is  of  sufficient  interest  to  be  quoted  in  fulP. 

Ita  ut  videas  in  ecclesia  passim  quos  non  merita  sed  pecuniae  ad  episcopatus 
ordinem  proveserunt:  nugacem  populum  et  indoctum,  qui  talem  sibi  adsciverunt 
sacerdotem.  quos  si  percunctari  fideliter  velis,  quis  eos  praefecerit  sacerdotes, 
respondent  mox  et  dicunt :  Ab  archiepiscopo  sum  nuper  episcopus  ordinatus,  cen- 
turaque  ei  solidos  dedi  ut  episcopalem  gratiam  consequi  meruissem  :  quos  si  minime 
dedissem,  hodie  episcopus  non  essem :  imde  melius  est  mihi  aurum  de  sacello 
invehere  quam  tantum  sacerdotium  perdere.  aurum  dedi  et  episcopatum  com- 
paravi :  quos  tamen  solidos,  si  vivo,  recepturum  me  ilico  non  difl&do.  ordino  presby- 
teros,  consecro  diaconos,  et  accipio  aurum :  nam  et  de  aliis  nihilominus  ordinibus 
pecuniae  quaestum  profligare  confido.  ecce  et  aurum  quod  dedi  in  meo  sacello 
recepi:  episcopatum  igitur  gratis  accepi. 

Nempe  hoc  est  quod  doleo,  quia  archiepiscopus  carnaliter  episcopum  fecit,  nam 
propter  pecunias  spiritaliter  leprosum  ordinavit.  Pecunia,  inquit,  tua  tecum  sit 
in  perditionetn ;  quia  donum  sancti  spiritus  gratiae  pretio  comparasti,  et  commercium 
miserabile  in  animarum  exitium  peregisti.  et  nescii  homines  et  indocti  in  ordi- 
nationibus  eonun  clamant  et  dicunt,  Dignus  es  et  Justus  es ;  et  conscientia  misera, 
Indignus  es  et  injustus  es,  dicit.  pronuntiat  enim  episcopus  hujusmodi  ad  popu- 
lum dicens :  Pax  vobis.  oculis  quidem  carnalibus  videtur  quasi  episcopus  magnus, 
et  divinis  obtutibus  inspicitur  leprosus  magnus.  per  pecuniam  acquisivit  indebitum 
ordinem,  et  apud  deum  perdidit  interiorem  hominem.  caro  suscepit  dignitatem, 
et  anima  perdidit  honestatem.  caro  ancilla  domina  facta  est  animae,  et  anima  quae 
erat  domina  facta  est  famula  carnis.  caro  dominatur  popidis,  et  anima  servit 
daemoni.  carni  sacerdotium  comparavit,  et  animae  detrimentum  paravit.  et  quid 
prodest  hujusmodi  homini,  si  totum  mundum  lucretur  et  animae  suae  detrimentum 
patietur?  aut  quam  dabit  homo  commutationem  pro  anima  sua?  quod  dedit  cum 
ordinaretur  episcopus  aurum  fuit,  et  quod  perdidit  anima  fuit.  cum  alium  ordi- 
uaret,  quod  accepit  pecunia  fuit,  et  quod  dedit  lepra  fuit  haec  sunt  mercimonia 
iniquorum  in  pemiciem  eorum. 

Interrogo  tamen  fratrem  et  coepiscopum  nostrum,  quia  et  ego  episcopus  sum  et 

1  The  first  portion  is  in  fact  that  which  Abbo  quotes,  introducing  it  with  the  words : 
'Beatus  Ambrosius  in  sermone  pastoraU,  flendo  potiua  quam  ridendo,  post  multa 
subjuugit.' 


70 


Gilbert  Crispin 


cum  episcopo  loquor.  Die  ergo  mihi  paulisper,  frater  episcope :  cum  dares  pecuniam, 
quid  accepisti  ?  Gratiam  episcopalem  accepi.  Ergo  interrogo  te :  Haec  gratia  cur 
tali  vocabulo  nuncupatur?  respondet:  Cur,  inquis?  ut  reor,  pro  eo  quod  gratis 
datur,  ideo  gratia  vocitatur.  Ergo  si  gratia  gratis  datur,  et  auro  non  aestimatur, 
a  te  cur  gratia  pecuniis  comparatur?  respondet :  Non,  inquit,  mihi  daretur,  si 
pecuniis  non  emeretur ;  nec  episcopus  fuissem  ordinatus,  si  pecunias  non  dedissem. 
Ergo,  ut  apparet  ex  responsionibus  tuis,  gratiam  cum  ordinareris  non  suscepisti, 
quia  gratuito  eam  non  meruisti.  et  ideo,  frater,  si  gratiam  non  accepisti,  quomodo 
episcopus  effici  potuisti  ?  nam  et  ad  discipulos  suos  dominus  dicit :  Gratis  accepistis, 
gratis  date,  cur  ergo  gratuitam  aestimasti  te  pretio  possidere  gratiam?  nam,  ut 
video,  aurum  dans  perdidisti,  et  gratiam  sanctam  non  acquisisti. 

Adhuc  tamen  semel  adiciens  fratrem  perquiro  episcopum,  ne  quid  de  approba- 
mentis  veridicis  nos  praetermisisse  videamur :  Quis  dat,  frater,  episcopalem  gratiam  ? 
deus  an  homo  ?  respondes  sine  dubio :  Deus.  sed  tamen  per  hominem  dat  deus : 
homo  imponit  manus,  deus  largitur  gratiam  :  sacerdos  imponit  supplicem  dexteram, 
et  deus  benedicit  potenti  dextera :  episcopus  initiat  ordinem,  et  deus  tribuit  digni- 
tatem. 0  justitia,  o  aequitas  !  si  homini  pecunia  datur,  qui  nihil  in  ordine  amplius 
operatur  nisi  solum  servitium  quod  ei  creditur,  cur  deo  totum  negatur,  qui  ipsum 
ordinem  tibi  largitur?  justumne  tibi  videtur  ut  servus  honoretur,  et  dominus 
injuriam  patiatur;  et  injuste  accipiat  sacerdos  pecuniam,  et  deus  patiatur  ab 
homine  injuriam  ?  sed  quia  pro  concesso  ordine  deus  a  te  nihil  exspectat,  cur  a  te 
sacerdos  pecuniam  impudenter  exspectat?  deus  homini  concedere  voluit  gratis,  et 
episcopus  rapax  pecuniam  ab  homine  expetit :  deus  homini,  ut  certe  benignus, 
gratis  donavit,  et  sacerdos  malignus  eum  sine  causa  praedavit.  quid  enim  hahes 
quod  non  accepisti?  si  autem  accepisti,  quid  gloriaris,  quasi  non  acceperis  ? 

It  will  be  found  that  Abbot  Gilbert  recalls  not  only  the  arguments 
of  this  striking  passage,  but  also  nearly  every  one  of  its  biblical  quota- 
tions^. He  puts  its  reasonings  very  succinctly,  and  they  lose  little  by 
his  abbreviation.  He  was  prepared  to  give  them  full  weight,  but  he  was 
convinced  that  there  was  another  side  to  the  question,  and  that  the 
ecclesiastical  problem  could  not  be  settled  by  such  arguments  alone. 

4.    De  Spiritu  Sancto. 

Our  only  knowledge  of  this  treatise  is  derived  from  the  Cottonian  MS 
mentioned  above  (p.  55).  That  it  is  a  genuine  work  of  Gilbert  Crispin 
will,  I  think,  scarcely  be  questioned.  The  opening  and  closing  para- 
graphs are  strong  evidence  of  his  authorship,  and  incidental  confirmation 

'  Gilbert  frequently  quotes  scripture  loosely.  He  has  a  wide  knowledge  of  the  Bible, 
and  he  obviously  trusts  his  memory  in  many  of  his  quotations.  In  citing  the  text  '  Quod 
tetigerit  immundus  immundum  erit,'  he  has  reproduced  the  form  in  which  Pope  Innocent 
bad  quoted  it  in  a  passage  immediately  preceding  that  which  is  afterwards  given  in  this 
book.  The  Vulgate  has  (Num.  xix  22)  'Quidquid  tetigerit  immundus  immundum  faciet' : 
but  Aug.  Quaest.  xxxiii  de  Num.  (ad  Jin.)  has  '  Omne  quodcunque  tetigerit  illud  inmundus 
inmundum  erit'  [LXX  larai]. 


Literary  Remains 


71 


of  this  view  is  furnished  by  several  other  passages  within  the  brief 
compass  of  the  tract.  It  begins  with  the  following  dedicatory  letter 
to  Archbishop  Anselm : 

Domino  et  patri  revereiulo  ecclesiarum  Angliae  pastori  A.,  frater  G.  abbas 
Westmoiiasterii,  quicquid  rectori  subditus  potest  optare  jocundius. 

De  sacris  paginis  imdecunque  apud  nos  sit  quaestio,  controversiae  finis  est  ut 
determinationi  vestrae  nostra  committatur  altercatio.  quaerunt  aliqui  de  spiritu 
sancto,  non  id  an  deus  sit :  nam  omnes  Christiani  credunt  quia  deus  est  pater,  deus 
est  filius,  deus  est  spiritus  sanctus  :  sed  qua  relatione  seu  habitudine  sanctus 
spiritus  dicatur  patria  et  filii  esse  spiritus.  quicquid  enim  id  quod  est  alterius 
dicitur  esse,  aliqua  specie  habitudinis  ab  eo  necesse  est  id  quod  est  esse,  sub 
persona  igitm*  interrogantis  magistri  et  respondentia  discipuli  tractetur,  quaeso, 
haec  nostra  disceptatio. 

M.  Primo  discutiamus  an  indubitanter  dici  et  astrui  possit,  quod  sanctus  spiritus 
dicatur  patris  et  filii  esse  spiritus  :  deinde  inquiramus  qua  habitudine  id  esse 
dicatur. 

D.  Non  fit  quaestio  inde,  nec  alicui  fas  est  inde  dubitare.  audi  ab  ipso 
Christo  dictum  ad  discipulos :  Non  enim  vos  estis  qui  loquimini,  sed  spiritus  patms 
vestri.... 

M.  Pace  tua  dictum  sit,  non  videtxir  id  adhuc  posse  concludi.  numquid  enim 
quando  ait  apostolus:  An  experimentum  vultis  ejus  qui  in  me  loquitur  Christxis? 
intelligi  voluit  quod  in  eo  personaliter  loquebatur  Christus  \  sed  loquitur  in  apostolo 
Christus,  quando  apostolus  ea  loquitur  quae  loeutus  est  Christus.... 

Several  other  proof  texts  are  alleged,  but  the  master  refuses  to 
be  satisfied,  and  forces  his  pupil  to  a  more  thoughtful  consideration. 
Presently,  after  the  pupil  has  come  to  the  end  of  a  long  piece  of  reason- 
ing, the  master  replies: 

M.  Ne  tacitumitate  mea  aliquod  mihi  praejudicium  fiat,  unam  harum  con- 
sequentiaram  concedo,  alteram  concedere  non  audeo  ;  sed  induxisti  nos  in  laqueum 
et  in  condensam  silvam  quaestionum.... 

A  careful  discussion  follows,  in  which  the  master  refuses  to  accept 
the  loose  argumentation  of  the  pupil  in  reference  to  the  Procession  of 
the  Holy  Spirit ;  and  the  pupil  in  despair  challenges  him  to  remove  the 
stumbling-blocks  which  he  has  placed  in  the  way  of  his  faith.  More 
accurate  definition  follows,  and  at  the  end  the  pupil  presses  a  new 
question  as  to  why  the  Incarnation  of  the  Son  should  not  involve  the 
Incarnation  of  the  Father  and  the  Spirit  also.  Here  however  the  master 
checks  him,  and  closes  the  discussion: 

M.    Noli  altum  sapere  sed  time  ;  et  oportet  te  ad  sobrietatem  sapere^. 

D.  Fateor  me  sapere  ad  sobrietatem,  quia  indubitanter  credo  esse  et  trinitatem 
in  unitate  et  unitatem  in  trinitate  :  et,  si  non  intelligo  id  quomodo  sit,  credo  tamen 
firmissime  quia  sit. 

»  Eo.  xi.  20,  xii.  3. 


72 


Gilbert  Crispin 


We  shall  presently  see  that  the  phrase  '  Pace  tua  dictum  sit '  occurs 
in  a  somewhat  similar  context  at  the  beginning  of  the  tract  De  cam 
diaholi.  The  illustration  of  the  Holy  Trinity  by  the  Nile  (which  is 
'fons,  rivus  et  lacus/ and  yet  not  three  Niles,  but  one  Nile)  is  found 
both  in  this  tract  and  in  the  Disputation  with  a  Gentile. 

Gilbert  draws  to  a  considerable  extent  upon  St  Augustine  De 
Trinitate.  The  following  references  may  be  of  use  to  a  future  student  of 
his  work :  De  Trin.  v  10  [ed.  Ben.  viii  838]  'Tamen  cum  quaeritur  quid 
tres,  magna  prorsus  inopia  humanum  laborat  eloquium.  dictum  est 
tamen  t?-es  peisonae,  non  ut  illud  diceretur,  sed  ne  taceretur':  vi  12 
[ib.  851] 'oportet  igitur — apparet  vestigium':  vii  7  858]  '  et  dum 
intelligatur  saltem  in  aenigmate  quod  dicitur,  placuit  ita  dici — verius 
enim  cogitatur  deus  quam  dicitur,  et  verius  est  quam  cogitatur.' 

5 — 8.    Minor  pieces. 
The  treatise  De  casu  diaholi  begins  thus : 

Interrogatio.  De  angelo  perdito  Veritas  dicit  in  evangelio  :  In  veritate  non 
stetit.... 

Responsio.  Pace  tua  dictum  sit,  res  confuse  et  permixta  ponis... 
This  topic  is  soon  followed  by  questions  on  freewill,  man's  creation 
to  supply  the  place  of  the  fallen  angels,  and  the  use  of  '  unitas '  and 
'  numerus '  in  respect  to  the  godhead.  Presently  we  pass  without  any 
clear  break  in  the  manuscript  to  a  discussion  of  the  Eucharist  (see 
above,  p.  57  note): 

Quod  de  altaris  sacramento  fides  catholica  credit  et  tenet,  teneo  et  credo  :  scilicet 
quod  panis  et  vinum  quae  ofFeruntur  sacerdoti  ad  consecrandum,  per  sacerdotalem 
consecrationem  fiunt  substantialiter  corpus  et  sanguis  Christi,  manente  priori  forma 
et  qualitate  panis  et  vini.  credo  item  et  teneo  quod  ipsum  corpus  Christi,  quod  ab 
altari  sumptum  comeditur,  resurgens  a  mortuis  jam  non  moritur,  et  nulla  comestionis 
lesione  corrumpitur.  credo  item  et  teneo  quod  uuum  et  idem  numero  est  corpus 
hoc  et  illud..., Quaero  itaque  utrum  haec,  quae  fide  indubitata  ita  credimus  esse, 
aliqua  ipsius  naturae  potentia  ita  posse  esse  possimus  demonstrare.... 

The  little  tract  De  anima  is  a  modest  enquiry  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
soul  of  an  infant.  The  creationist  and  traducianist  hypotheses  are  dis- 
cussed in  simple  language,  and  the  preference  is  given  to  the  latter,  not 
on  any  grounds  of  philosophy,  but  for  the  reason  that  the  theory  of  the 
atonement  requires  that  the  soul  of  Christ  should  have  its  ultimate 
derivation  from  the  soul  of  the  first  man  Adam.  If  the  one  stood  in 
no  relation  to  the  other,  it  is  inconceivable  how  the  suffering  of  the  one 
should  atone  for  the  sin  of  the  other.    The  difficulty  that  original  sin 


Literary  Remains 


73 


would  have  thus  been  transmitted  to  the  soul  of  Christ  is  met  in  the 
following  noteworthy  sentences: 

Sola  consilii  siii  sapientia  deus  ex  nichilo  creavit  omnia,  qui  ergo  ex  non 
existentibus  fecit  existentia,  ex  ipsa  jam  exiatenti  materia  potest  assumere  massam 
de  massa  sine  assumptae  alicujiis  infectionis  macula,  de  came  peccati  cum  peccato 
sumpta  est  caro  beatae  Mai-iae  matris  Christi :  tamen  de  ipsa  came  matris  Christi 
sumpta  est  sine  peccato  caro  Christi.  si  hoc  ipsum  de  anima  vult  facere  omni- 
poteutia  dei,  potest  si  vult  ex  anima  de  traduce  peccati  sumpta  aliam  sumere 
animam  de  eadem  massa  sine  peccati  culpa  et  fermenti  macula. 

These  words  shew  that  on  a  question  which  was  to  be  much  debated 
in  the  next  generation  Gilbert  held  the  same  view  as  his  master 
Anselm. 

The  tract  has  interest  also  for  its  simple  statements  on  the  Atone- 
ment. As  to  the  main  question  which  he  has  proposed,  Gilbert  only 
professes  to  have  answered  it  in  a  tentative  manner:  'de  hac  quaestione 
multi  multa  dixerunt  atque  scripserunt ;  sed  adhuc  manet  illud  dictum 
antiquum  :  Grammatici  certant,  et  adhuc  sub  judice  lis  est.' 

The  Sermon  for  Palm  Sunday  begins : 

Exigit  solempnitas  hodiema...et  processionis  sacrae  facies  insolita,  ut  de  Sacra- 
mento hujus  diei  dicamus  vobis  prout  deus  dederit.... 

The  Versus  ad  Anselmum  are  printed  below,  p.  83. 

9.    Disputation  of  a  Christian  imth  a  Gentile. 

The  opening  passage  of  this  treatise  represents  so  curious  a  scene, 
that  it  is  worth  while  to  transcribe  it  in  full. 

A  duobus  philosophis  sumpta  erat  disputatio  de  unius  dei  cultu  et  verae  fidei 
unitate.  noveram  locum,  sed  non  praesumebam  ire,  quia  multus  erat  et  varius 
exitus  viae,  summonuit  me  quidam  illuc  ire  et  verae  fidei  assertiones  audire. 
obtendi  meam  debilitatem  totque  viarum  dubiam  mihi  varietatem.  promisit  du- 
catum,  porrexit  manum  et  amica  me  violentia  coepit  trahere  post  se.  tandem 
venimus  ad  diversorium  quod  videbamus.  intravit  ille  domum,  quia  erat  de  in- 
traneis  :  extra  remansi,  quia  eram  de  extraneis ;  circa  ostium  consedi,  quia  eram 
notus  de  ostiariis  uni. 

Considebant  ibi  plures  litterati  homines,  et,  ut  mihi  videbatur,  logicae  disci- 
plinae  studens.  nam  quaestio  ista  inter  eos  tunc  erat :  quomodo  sit  accipiendum 
quod  Aristotiles  ait :  Non  existentibus  primis  substantiis  impossibile  est  ahquid 
aUorum  esse.  Porphirius  enim  et  alii  astruunt  philosophi  quod  ea  quae  sunt 
individua  non  tollunt  secum  species  ac  genera,  species  vero  ac  genera  tollunt  secum 
individua.  individua  dicit  Aristotiles  esse  primas  substantias ;  et  secundas  sub- 
stantias dicit  esse  species  ac  genera. 


74 


Gilbert  Crispin 


Altera  inter  duos  alios  juxta  me  habebatur  quaestio,  videlicet  utrum  grammatica 
sit  logica.  nam  si  grammatica  non  est  logica,  non  erunt  tres  logicae  artis  species 
nec  septem  liberales  artes.  sed  constitutivae  partes  cuj  usque  generis  sunt  consti- 
tutivae  partes  speciei  ejusdem  generis,  inventio  et  judicium  sunt  constitutivae 
partes  logicae :  erunt  igitur  et  grammaticae,  aut  grammatica  non  erit  species 
logicae.  at  de  inventione  et  judicio  in  disciplinis  grammaticae  nusquam  fit  sermo. 
grammatica  itaque  non  videtur  ars  esse  naturalis,  nec  logica,  nec  ars  liberalis. 

Harum  quaestionum  expectabam  solutionem  ;  sed  mox  melioris  causae  suscepi- 
mus  actionem,  ecce  ab  eis  qui  erant  intus  venit  ad  nos  qui  eramus  foris  persona 
dignae  speciei.  paucis  et  gravibus  verbis  silentium  jussit  fieri,  et  ut  intenti  (in- 
tendi  cod.)  ac  debita  reverentia  quae  intus  dicebantur  audierimus  imperavit.  propius 
accessi,  intro  aspexi,  et  introivi.  sermo  erat  inter  duos  magnae  famae  sed  diversae 
sectae  philosophos.  unus  erat  gentilis  et  Christianae  fidei  sub  rationis  executione 
callidus  impugnator :  alter  erat  e  contra  veris  assertionibus  ejusdem  fidei  expug- 
nator.    sic  itaque  gentilis  ille  intulit.... 

If  this  philosophers'  club  with  its  inner  and  outer  circles  be  not 
altogether  a  fiction  of  the  imagination,  it  shews  us  an  unsuspected  side 
of  the  London  life  of  Abbot  Gilbert's  day.  No  doubt  there  is  an 
imaginary  element  in  the  dialogue,  and  perhaps  the  'Gentile  philosopher' 
is  an  anachronism :  yet  we  can  imagine  that  he  might  have  found 
toleration  under  Rufus,  who  is  said  to  have  encouraged  public  dispu- 
tations between  Christians  and  Jews,  and  to  have  sworn  with  his  usual 
oath  that  he  would  join  the  latter  if  they  got  the  better  of  the  argu- 
ment. The  abbot's  weak  health  and  his  unwillingness  to  venture 
himself  in  the  perilous  maze  of  the  streets  seem  realistic  touches. 
If  the  picture  is  a  fancy  one,  it  is  at  any  rate  an  evidence  of  learning 
and  literary  skill. 

The  opponent  of  Christianity  begins  by  asserting  that  the  ancient 
poets  while  they  oflfered  pleasant  fables  to  the  vulgar  taught  deep  truths 
to  those  who  could  understand  them.  Man  must  act  under  the  guidance 
of  reason  and  justice,  and  ever  remember  what  is  due  to  God  his 
Creator. 

The  Christian  philosopher  at  once  quotes  scripture  on  '  the  whole 
duty  of  man.'  But  his  opponent  objects  to  arguments  from  sacred 
writings,  and  demands  reason  rather  than  authority.  Christians  profess, 
he  says,  that  the  author  of  their  scriptures  and  the  Jewish  scriptures  is 
one  and  the  same;  and  yet  neither  will  Christians  keep  the  Jewish 
law,  nor  Jews  the  Christian.  He  will  have  no  arguments  based  on  the 
authority  of  the  scriptures. 

The  Christian  accepts  his  terms,  and  proceeds  to  argue,  on  grounds 
of  reason  only,  for  the  unity  and  against  the  plurality  of  deity.  In  his 
reply  the  opponent  with  a  naive  inconsistency  objects  that  the  Christian 


Literary  Renmins 


75 


speaks  of  the  immutability  of  the  deity,  but  his  scriptures  speak  of 
changes  in  the  divine  intentions:  'Haec  est  mutatio  dexterae  excelsi ' ; 
and  he  instances  in  particular  the  Deluge.  The  Christian  replies  with 
the  illustration  of  the  gentler  and  severer  methods  of  the  same  physi- 
cian, who  is  not  cruel  when  his  treatment  causes  pain.  The  objector  is 
satisfied  on  this  point,  but  proceeds  to  attack  the  doctrines  of  the 
Incarnation  and  the  Trinity. 

After  much  interesting  discussion,  in  which  he  has  made  many 
admissions,  the  objector  declares  that  no  argument  can  ever  convince 
him  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity;  and  he  sadly  and  respectfully  takes 
his  leave.  Thereupon  the  rest  of  the  audience,  who  are  Christians,  beg 
that  so  great  a  master  will  not  leave  them  uninstructed  in  those  deeper 
reasons  for  the  Catholic  Faith  which  could  not  properly  be  proposed  to 
an  unbeliever. 

One  of  their  number  having  agreed  to  state  the  difficulties  as  an 
enquiring  disciple,  the  master  proceeds.  A  discussion  follows  in  which 
among  other  points  the  gradual  revelation  of  the  Faith  through  the 
teachers  of  the  Old  Covenant,  through  our  Lord  Himself,  and  through 
the  apostles  and  the  later  doctors  of  the  Church,  is  skilfully  drawn  out, 
and  the  necessity  of  belief  in  accordance  with  available  knowledge  in 
each  period  is  emphasized. 

The  closing  sentences  may  be  quoted,  as  illustrating  the  temper  of 
Anselm's  pupil. 

Qui  ergo  deitatis  unitatem  et  in  deitatis  uuitate  personariim  iutelligit  esse 
trinitatem,  agat  deo  gratias  :  et  qui  capere  non  potest,  ita  esse  indubitanter  credat. 
in  parvulis  vero  baptizatis,  quorum  aetas  et  sensus  ad  haec  capienda  minime  potest 
assurgere,  et  in  laicis  qui  sunt  idiotae  catholici,  fides  et  baptismus  sahitem  operatur  ; 
sicut  promittit  ipse  dominus :  Qui  crediderit  et  baptizatus  fuerit,  salvus  erit.  gratias 
deo,  qui  omnibus  nobis  dedit  hoc  refugium  vitae  et  salutis. 

So  this  Disputation  ends.  But  in  the  manuscript  it  is  followed  at 
once  by  a  short  exposition  ^  of  the  meaning  of  Septuagesima,  the  period 
of  seventy  days  which  comes  to  a  close  on  the  Saturday  in  Easter  week, 
on  which  day  a  duplex  Alleluia  is  sung.  Whether  Gilbert  is  its  author 
or  not,  the  exposition  is  worth  transcribing  for  its  liturgical 'interest. 

Legitur  quod  fihi  Israel  septuaginta  annis  peregrinati  sub  rege  Babiloniae :  septua- 
gesimo  vero  anno  data  est  eis  hcentia  revertendi,  et  reversi  sunt  ab  exilio  in  patriam, 
a  Babilone  in  Jerusalem,    in  memoriam  cujus  peregrinationis  et  reversionis  nos 

1  It  is  preceded  by  Gentilis  (rubricated)  as  if  it  were  a  continuation  of  the  Disputation : 
but  this  is  due  to  the  ignorance  of  the  scribe,  who  has  already  used  Gentilis  for  the 
Christian  disciple  who  takes  up  the  discussion  after  the  Gentile  philosopher  has  departed. 


76 


Gilbert  Crispin 


etiam  in  praesenti  ecclesia  septuagesimam  celebramus,  partim  in  dolore  in  signum 
peregrinationis,  partim  in  gaudio  in  signum  reversionis. 

Habet  autem  haec  septuagesima  iiiitium  a  Circiimdederunt  me,  et  peragitur  cum 
luctu  et  maerore  usque  ad  sexagesimum  tertium  diem,  qui  est  sabatum  paschale. 
deinde  in  gaudio  procedit  usque  ad  octavum  diem,  id  est,  ad  sabatum  quod  est 
in  ebdomada  paschae,  ubi  est  terminus  septuagesimae.  hoc  autem  totum  fit  in 
figuram  peregrinationis  quam  in  praesenti  vita  habemus,  in  qua  peregrinamur  a 
domino,  longe  a  patria  in  regionem  dissimilitudinis  recedentes,  civibus  Babiloniae 
admixti  corpore  etsi  non  mente.  tota  enim  praesens  vita  non  patria  sed  exilium 
est. 

In  figuram  cujus  peregrinationis  pars  septuagesimae  in  jejuuio  et  luctu  cele- 
bratur,  usque  ad  sabatum  paschale,  ubi  per  baptismum  datur  repatriandi  licentia, 
quando  veterera  hominem  deponimus  et  novum  induimus  :  et  ideo  dies  ille  baptismo 
est  consecratus.  et  quia  post  acceptam  licentiam  jam  laeti  surnus  spe  redeundi, 
ideo  statira  cantamus  canticum  domino,  scilicet  Alleluia:  Confitemini  domino. 
sed  quoniam  nondum  Babiloniam  exivimus,  sed  exilio  tenemur,  mente  tamen 
suspirantes  ad  patriam,  et  interim  quia  grandis  restat  via  difficultatem  itineris 
abhorrentes  ;  quia,  inquam,  hoc  est,  post  canticum  tractum,  post  Alleluia  Laudate 
subjungimus.  deinde  vero  in  sequenti  dominica,  quae  pascha  dicitur,  incipimus 
proficisci  et  cum  filiis  Israel  ab  exilio  transire  in  patriam,  et  quia  illis  sex  diebus 
a  die  paschae  in  itinere  gradimur,  ideo  per  totam  septimanam  illam  graduale 
cantatur,  Haec  dies  quam  fecit  dominus.  sed  quoniam,  licet  nondum  pervenerimus, 
tamen  quodammodo  gaudeamus  spe  futuri,  ideo  post  graduale  sequitur  Alleluia. 
septimo  autem  die,  quae  est  octava  a  sabato  paschali,  jam  laeti  re  praesenti,  jam 
potiti  patria,  et  tractum  tq...t  graduale  omnino  deponimus,  et  in  siginim  perfectae 
laeti tiae  duplex  Alleluia  decantamus. 

Vel  possimus  dicere  quod  tota  volubilitas  hujus  saeculi,  quod  per  sex  dies  vel 
per  sex  aetates  discurrit,  sit  quasi  una  septuagesima,  in  quam  per  peccatum  primi 
parentis  ejecti  a  patria  exulamus.  sed  in  morte  cujusque,  cum  anima  a  carcere 
corporis  solvitur,  datur  licentia  repatriandi,  turn  anima  exuta  a  corpore  in  aeternam 
beatitudinem  resurgit ;  et  ideo  psalmus  ille,  qui  dicitur  canticum  pro  verbo  trans- 
migrationis  1,  scilicet  Te  decet  ymnus,  deus,  in  Sion  praecipue  cantatur  in  exequiis 
mortuoruni.  sed  quia  quandoque  per  jjurgatorium  ignem  transeundum  est,  et  quia 
corpus  in  sua  foeditate  permanens  corrumpitur,  ideo  nondum  est  perfecta  laetitia 
usque  ad  octavam  quae  erit  in  finem,  revolutis  vii  diebus  vel  vii  aetatibus  praesentis 
saeculi ;  scilicet,  cum  corruptibile  hoc  induerit  incorruptionem,  et  mortale  corpus 
fiet  immortale  ;  et  sic  duplicem  stolam  habebimus.  et  ideo  in  sabato  quod  est 
in  octavis  paschae  cantatur  duplex  Alleluia,  cum  in  praecedenti  sabato  simplex 
cantaretur.  . 

'  In  the  heading  of  Ps.  Ixiv  (Vulg.)  we  have  '  populo  transmigrationis ' ;  but  '  de  verbo 
peregrinationis '  is  found  in  mss  of  the  '  Gallican  Psalter.' 


VI.  Correspondence. 


1.    Lanfranc  to  Gilbert. 

Dilectissimo  suo  G.  dilectissimus  suus  Lanfrancus  dilectionis  coeptae 
felicem  perseverantiam. 

Fratres  quos,  carissime  frater,  litteris  edocendos  bonisque  moribus 
instruendos  praecipue  transmisi,  honeste  et  secundum  voluntatem  meam 
tractari  quorundam  relatione  cognovi :  pro  qua  re  gratias  benignitati 
tuae  refero,  et  ut  coeptis  insistas,  si  tamen  admonitione  indiges,  admo- 
nere  te  cupio.  carissimum  mihi  fratris  mei  filium,  fratrem  videlicet 
tuum,  caritati  tuae  commendo,  rogans  sicut  rogari  oportet  a  me  jocun- 
dissiraum  filium  fratremque  meum,  quatenus  cum  magna  jocunditate 
animi  tui  eum  diligas  et  ad  vitam  laudabilem  pro  viribus  tuis  informare 
non  desinas.  fratrem  tuum  propterea  dixi  ilium,  quoniam  revera  sic  ^ 
esse  volo  multumque  rogo :  nam  et  revera  venerabilis  mater  tua,  sicut 
mihi  relatum  est,  filium  suum  eundem  vocare  dignatur,  cum  ilia  de 
excellentissimo  genere,  iste  humili  loco  sit  natus,  proculdubio  receptura 
ab  eo  mercedem  suam  qui  dixit:  Qui  se  humiliat  exaltabitur.  crucem 
cum  reliquiis  fraternitatis  tuae  oculis  dum  missam  celebras  conspicien- 
dam  tibi  transmitto,  quam  perpetuae  amicitiae  monumentum  inter  te 
et  ipsum  esse  desidero. 

Magno  gaudio  me  replesti  quia  promissionem  in  pueritia  factam  in 
juventute  adhuc  per  divinam  misericordiam  te  servare  scripsisti:  quam 
si  ad  finem  illaesam  perduxeris,  terribilem  aliis  judicem  pi-oculdubio 
cum  magna  securitate  videbis.  omnipotens  deus  cordi  tuo  per  sancti 
spiritus  sui  inspirationem  inserere  dignetur  quatenus  in  omni  aetate 
tua  sic  me  diligas,  sicut  in  pueritia  et  adolescentia  tua  quondam  diligere 
me  solebas:  et  ipse  te  benedicat  atque  ab  omnibus  peccatis  propitiatus 
absolvat. 

Lanfranc,  Ep.  45.    Written  while  Gilbert  was  at  Bee,  c.  1074.    See  above,  p.  9. 
1  D'Achery  (Lanfranci  0pp.  p.  323)  has  :  'quem  {al.  quoniam)  revera  sibi.' 


78 


Gilbert  Crispin 


2.    Anselm  to  Lanfranc. 

Domino  et  patri  reverendo  archiepiscopo  Lanfranco  frater  Anselmus 
servus  servorum  dei  Becci  remanentiura,  cum  eisdem  dominis  suis,  quod 
domino  fideles  servi,  quod  reverendo  patri  reverentes  filii. 

De  domno  Gisleberto,  ut  eum  vobis  mitteremus,  vestrae  satisfecimus 
jussioni:  quod  autem  tardius  quam  jussistis,  verum  est  quod  non  est 
factum  negligentia,  sed  ob  multa  quae  nunc  enarrare  longum  est  im- 
pedimenta, sed  scitote  quia,  si  quis  fecerit  ut  ipse  in  Anglorum  terra 
remaneat,  nimis  grave  et  majus  quam  breviter  dici  possit  damnum  in 
praesenti  et  in  futuro  interius  et  exterius  ecclesiae  nostrae  et  tristitiam 
faciet.  quapropter  precamur  et  obsecramus  quantum  salva  justitia  et 
vestrae  sanctitatis  reverentia  nobis  licet,  per  pietatem  et  per  caritatem 
quam  erga  nos  vestram  semper  habere  paternitatem  cognovimus,  ut  si 
absque  dei  voluntatis  obviatione  fieri  posse  videritis,  potius  fratribus 
et  amicis  desiderantibus  ad  certam  suam  salutem  et  aliorum  utilitatem 
per  vestram  instantiam  reddatur,  quam  quibuslibet  alienis  ad  periculum 
sui  damni  et  illorum  utilitatem  dubiam  ingeratur.  breviter  quod 
multum  volumus  et  expedire  credimus  obsecramus;  quia  sapientiae 
vestrae  pauca  verba  sufficere  non  ignoramus,  quod  si  divinam  disposi- 
tionem  nostrae  sic  resistere  petitioni  vestra  cognoverit  prudentia,  ut 
aliter  fieri  necesse  sit,  quod  mihi  si  praesens  essem  vestra  prudentia  de 
re  ipsa  concedere  aut  facere  consuleret,  vestrae  committo  potestati. 

Anselm,  Epp.  ii  13.  Probably  written  at  the  end  of  1079,  soon  after  Anselm's 
return  from  his  first  visit  to  England.    See  above,  p.  9. 

3.    Anselm  to  Gilbert 

Domno,  fratri,  amico,  dilecto  dilectori  Gilberto  frater  Anselmus, 
quod  scribere  non  valet. 

Dulcia  mihi  sunt,  amice  dulcissime,  munera  dulcedinis  tuae ;  sed 
nequaquam  consolari  possunt  desolatum  de  te  cor  meum  a  desiderio 
dilectionis  tuae.  certe  si  mittas  omnem  aromatum  odorem,  omnem 
metallorum  nitorem,  omnem  lapidum  pretiositatem,  omnem  texturae 
varietatem,  renuet,  immo  non  poterit,  consolari  a  scissura  sua,  nisi 
recepta  altera  parte  sua  scissa  anima  mea.  testis  est  angor  cordis  mei 
hoc  ipsum  cogitantis,  testes  lacrimae  obtenebrantes  oculos  et  rigantes 
faciem  et  digitos  id  ipsum  scribentes.  et  quidem  tu  sciebas  sicut  ego 
ipse  erga  te  dilectionem  meam.  sed  utique  ego  ipse  nesciebam  eam: 
qui  nos  scidit  ab  invicem,  ills  me  docuit  quantum  te  diligerem.  vere 


Correspondence 


79 


non  habet  homo  scientiam  boni  vel  mali,  qui  non  experitur  utrumque. 
nesciebam  enim,  non  expertus  absentiam  tuam,  quam  dulce  mihi  erat 
esse  tecum,  quam  amarum  sine  te  esse,  sed  tu  habes  ex  ipsa  nostra 
disjunctione  praesentem  alterum  quem  non  minus  aut  certe  plus  amas: 
mihi  vero  tu,  tu  inquam,  es  ablatus  et  nullus  pro  te  oblatus.  te  igitur 
in  consolatione  tua  gaudente,  solum  mihi  vulnus  remansit  in  mente. 
forsitan  gaudentes  de  te  oflfenduntur  a  me  ista  tibi  dicente.  sed  si 
ipsi  gaudent  quod  desiderant  tenentes,  cur  prohibent  vel  dolere  quod 
semper  amat  perdentem  ?  ex  se  excusent  me,  si  me  vident  in  sc.  alio- 
quin  vel  tu  intellige  quam  compatienter,  quam  consolanter  ipsi  haec 
faciant;  et  unde  mitescat  dolor  meus,  quera  nemo  vult  consolari  qui 
potest,  nemo  potest  qui  vult.  sed  ille  qui  omnia  quae  vult  potest  sic 
consoletur  me,  ut  nullum  contristet ;  sic  nullum  contristet,  ut  amorem 
tui  integrum  ubique  conservet.  amen. 

Anselm,  Epp.  i  75.    Written  when  Gilbert  was  with  Lanfranc,  c.  1080. 

4.    Anselm  to  Gilbert. 

Suo  dilectissimo,  olim  divina  dispositione  filio,  nunc  dei  gratia 
coabbati,  Gisleberto  frater  Anselmus,  in  hac  vita  diu  sancte  vivere  cum 
prosperitate,  in  futura  feliciter  cum  aetemitate. 

Etsi  tarde  propter  aegritudinem  impedientem  dilecto  dilectori  meo 
pro  nova  sibi  divinitus  data  gratia  scribo,  non  tamen  tepide  quantum 
ad  voluntatis  benevolentiam  pertinet,  dico :  Gloria  in  altissimis  deo,  et 
in  terra  gaudium  hominibus  bonae  voluntatis;  qui  judicium  suum  de  te 
manifestavit,  quod  hactenus  apud  se  occultum,  licet  semper  de  te  pro 
humana  aestimatione  bona  crederemus,  servavit.  in  eo  namque  vitae 
proposito,  in  quo  te  custodiendo  semper  ejus  gratia  sapientia  erudivit 
et  in  sanctitate  nutrivit,  patrem  et  doctorem  pastoremque  animarum 
te  constituit.  multo  enim  melius  de  te  sperandum  est  et  de  similibus 
tuis  quorum  vita  est  in  sancta  conversatione  nutrita,  quam  de  me  et  de 
similibus  meis  quorum  vita  olim  est  saeculari  conversatione  detrita. 
de  vobis  enim  sperandum  est,  cum  ad  aliorum  curam  promoveraini, 
quod  dum  et  alios  ad  vestri  similitudinem  instruitis  justitia  vestra 
perficiatur :  de  nobis  vero  timendum  est,  cum  tanto  pondere  gravamur, 
ne  injustitia  nostra  occulto  dei  judicio  augeatur.  quanto  igitur  melius 
est  de  tua  sanctitate  in  suscepto  officio  sperandum,  tanto  magis  est  et 
securius  de  tibi  concessa  gratia  gaudendum.  omnipotens  deus,  qui  te 
custodem  aliorum  constituit,  ipse  te  sua  gratia  sic  adjuvet  et  custodiat 
ut  pro  tua  et  illorum  justitia  aeternam  tibi  beatitudinem  retribuat. 
Anselm,  Epp.  ii  16.    Shortly  after  Gilbert's  appointment  to  Westminster,  1085. 


80 


Gilbert  Crispin 


5.    Anselm  to  Gilbert. 

Amico  fratri,  domino  patri,  dilecto  dilectori,  reverendo  abbati  Gisle- 
berto  frater  Anselmus,  perseverantem  in  longa  vita  cum  prosperitate 
sanctitatem,  et  indeficientem  in  aeternitate  felicitatem. 

Si  velim  scribere  mutuae  nostrae  dilectionis  affectum,  timeo  ne  aut 
videar  ab  ignorantibus  veritatem  excedere,  aut  necesse  sit  aliquid  veri- 
tati  subtrahere.  qui  affectus  quantus  et  quam  verus  sit,  cum  multum 
cognoscerem  quando  sese  oculo  ad  oculum,  osculo  ad  osculum,  amplexu 
ad  amplexum  ostenderet,  nunc  multo  magis  experior  cum  abesse  ilium 
irrecuperabiliter  in  quo  tanta  jocunditate  delectabar  intueor.  sicut 
enim  abundans  nescit  quid  sit  indigenti,  ut  qui  deliciis  affluit  ignorat 
quid  sit  esurienti,  ita  qui  amico  fruitur  non  sentit  languorem  animae 
carentis.  quoniam  ergo  nec  scribi  sufficienter  potest  quid  nobis  in- 
vicem  sit,  nec  ignoranti  loquor,  his  interim  omissis  oro  vobiscum  ut 
aliquando  nos  invicem  videntes  oculo  ad  oculum,  osculo  ad  osculum, 
amplexu  ad  amplexum,  non  oblitum  amorem  recolamus. 

De  his  autem  quae  de  vitae  suae  conversatione  caritas  vestra  mihi 
dignata  est  exponere,  gratias  ago  deo  quia  nihil  ibi  videre  possum  quod 
non  sit  laudabile.  de  fratre  illo  quern  in  claustrum  reduxistis,  quod 
vultis  donee  vobis  aut  nobis  aliter  videatur  concedo;  sed  occulta  ejus 
vestra  discutiens  prudentia  prout  judicaverit  illi  consulat.  de  damno 
vestro  quod  mandastis  miror  et  condoleo.  quod  dignatur  vestra  caritas 
excusare  se,  quia  non  potest  modo  facere  quod  vellet,  gratias  ago  vestrae 
dignationi  et  bonae  voluntati.  de  domno  Lanfranco  nihil  melius  scivi 
aut  potui,  quam  quod  in  Anglia  feci  et  dixi.  valete. 

Anselm,  Epp.  ii  36.    The  younger  Lanfranc  is  here  referred  to. 

6.    Anselm  to  Gilbert. 

Domino  servus,  amico  amicus,  dilecto  dilectus,  domno  abbati  Gisle- 
berto  frater  Anselmus,  sempiternum  gaudere. 

Si  sane,  si  bene,  si  prospere  cuncta  sunt  erga  domnum  abbatem 
Gislebertum  dilectum  dilectorem  meum,  vere  inde  gaudet  cor  meum, 
quia  certe  sic  est  desiderium  meum.  si  dilectionem  et  beneficia  quae 
nobis  et  nostris  rebus  impenditis  alienus  alienis  impenderet,  utique 
gratiarum  magnam  actionem  in  scriptis  et  voce  exhiberemus  ne 
deficeret.  sed  quoniam  hoc  ille  facit  de  quo  nunquam  possumus 
desperare,  sufficere  credimus  majores  gratias  cum  semper  prompta 
voluntate,  praesertim  cum  hoc  ipsum  non  ignoretis,  indesinenter  in 


Cwrespondence 


81 


cordis  area  servare.  scio  quia  vestra  dilectio  quomodo  se  habeat  status 
noster  desiderat  cognoscere:  qui  deo  protegente,  secundum  modum 
nostrum  et  secundum  teraporis  hujus  varietatem,  in  cunctis  bene  esset 
et  prospere,  nisi  quia  cum  nuper  in  Francia  essera  aliis  quibusdam 
affectum  laboribus  levis  quaedam  febris  subito  irruens  plus  me  terruit 
quam  laesit.  sed  cum  videret  mentem  meam  intentissime  conversam 
ut  ad  amicos  nostros  pro  auxilio  mitterem  orationum,  exterrita  bis 
tactum  fugit  exterritum.  unde  aliquamdiu  post  passus  sum  cum 
edendi  fastidio  dormiendi  difficultatem  et  membrorum  majorem  im- 
becillitatem. 

Dominos  et  fratres  nostros,  dilectissimos  filios  vestros,  quanta  possum 
devotione  saluto ;  de  quorum  erga  me  dulci  dilectione  re  mihi  cognita 
quoties  recogito  exulto.  de  Ricardo  serviente  vestro,  qui  vos  in 
Angliam  secundum  jussionem  vestram  secutus  est,  vellem  vestram  si 
vobis  non  displiceret  benignitatem  rogare ;  quoniam  quem  deus  suo 
judicio  ab  impacto  crimine  excusavit,  si  ipse  ab  incepto  fideli  servitio 
non  deficit,  jam  nihil  est  quod  bonae  vestrae  voluntati  quam  de  eo 
incepistis  debeat  obviare.  Justus  [/or.s.  justum]  enim  est,  et  plus 
decet  honestatis  vestrae  auctoritatem,  ut  vestra  constantia  cujuslibet 
perversitatis  impetus  circa  ilium  repellat,  quam  ut  aliena  non  lauda- 
bilis  pertinacia  laudabilem  intentionem  benevolentiae  vestrae  reflectat. 
valeat  semper  dulcis  mihi  vestra  dilectio. 

Ansehn,  Epp.  ii  47.  Anselm  writes  a  similar  letter  to  Gilbert,  abbot  of  Caen 
(n  44) :  from  which  we  learn  that  he  was  returning  from  Caen  and  hoping  to  reach 
Bee  before  the  feast  of  St  Benedict  (21  March,  or  the  Translation  11  July),  but  was 
delayed  by  business  in  France. 


7.    Gilbert  to  Anselm. 

Reverendo  patri  et  domino  Anselmo  sanctae  Cantuariensis  ecclesiae 
archiepiscopo  suus  servus  et  filius,  frater  Gislebertus,  Westmonasterii 
coenobii  procurator  et  servus,  prosperam  in  hac  vita  diuturnitatem  et 
beatam  in  futura  aeternitatem. 

Patemitati  et  prudentiae  tuae  discutiendum  mitto  libellum  quem 
nuper  scripsi,  paginae  commendans  quae  Judaeus  quidam  olim  mecum 
disputans  contra  fidem  nostram  de  lege  sua  proferebat,  et  quae  ego  ad 
objecta  illius  pro  fide  nostra  respondebam.  nescio  unde  ortus,  sed  apud 
Maguntiam  litteris  educatus,  legis  et  litterarum  etiam  nostrarum  bene 
sciens  erat  et  exercitum  in  scripturis  atque  disputationibus  contra  nos 
ingenium  habebat.  plurimum  mihi  familiaris  saepe  ad  me  veniebat, 
B.  c.  6 


82 


Gilbert  Crispin 


turn  negotii  sui  causa,  turn  me  videndi  gratia,  quoniam  in  aliquibus  illi 
multum  necessarius  eram ;  et  quotiens  conveniebamus  mox  de  scrip- 
turis  ac  de  fide  nostra  sermonem  amico  animo  habebamus. 

Quadam  ergo  die  solito  majus  mihi  et  illi  deus  otium  concessit, 
et  mox  unde  solebamus  inter  nos  quaestionari  coepimus.  et  quoniam 
quae  opponebat  convenienter  satis  et  consequenter  opponebat,  et  ea 
quae  opposuerat  non  minus  convenienter  prosequendo  explicabat;  nostra 
vero  responsio  vicino  satis  pede  ad  proposita  illius  respondebat  et  scrip- 
turarum  aequo  testimonio  nitens  eidem  ipsi  concessu  facilis  esse  vide- 
batur  et  approbanda;  rogaverunt  qui  aderant  ut  memoriae  darem 
banc  nostram  disceptatiunculam,  fortasse  aliquibus  profuturam.  scripsi 
ergo:  et,  tacito  mei  et  ipsius  nomine,  scripsi  sub  persona  Judaei  cum 
Christiano  de  fide  nostra  disceptantis ;  scriptumque  et  exaratum  hoc 
opus  tuae  transmitto  examinandum  censurae. 

Si  res  approbanda  est,  tuo  placebit  approbata  judicio;  si  vero 
respuenda  est,  seu  tota  seu  pars  ejus  aliqua,  quidquid  respuendum  erit 
accipite  amico  dictum  in  aure,  et  quia  soli  amico  innotuit  silentio 
supprimatur  nec  alicui  haec  ad  legendum  pagina  communicetur :  salvo 
quidem  amore  mutuo  et  integra  prorsus  pace  mutua  deleatur  quidquid 
delendum  esse  tibi  placuerit,  aut  corrigatur  si  quid  est  quod  corrigi  posse 
tibi  visum  fuerit.  fateor  quamlibet  protuleris  sententiam  animo  libenti 
excipiam  et  aure  obtemperanti  audiam. 

Tamen  quidam  ex  Judaeis  qui  tunc  Londoniae  erant,  opitulante 
misericordia  dei,  ad  fidem  Christianam  se  convertit  apud  Westmonas- 
terium,  coram  omnibus  fidem  Christi  professus  baptismum  petiit, 
accepit,  et  baptizatus  deo  se  inibi  serviturum  devovit,  et  monachus 
factus  nobiscum  remansit. 

Sic  ergo  Judaeus  ille  disputator,  aliis  pluribus  interpositis,  me 
provocando  adorsus  est. 

This  is  the  dedicatory  epistle  prefixed  to  the  famous  Disputation  of  a  Jew  with 
a  Christian.  Where  the  text  differs  from  that  printed  in  Migne  P.  L.  159,  col.  1005, 
I  have  followed  the  readings  of  Titus  D  xvi.  There  are  two  notable  omissions  in 
Brit.  Mus.  Add.  8166 ;  it  omits  the  words  '  sanctae  Cantuariensis  ecclesiae  archi- 
episcopo,'  and  also  the  account  of  the  conversion  of  the  London  Jew  ('tamen 
quidam  ex  Judaeis... nobiscum  remansit').  These  omissions  suggest  that  we  have 
in  this  MS  an  earlier  form  of  the  work,  written  before  Anselm  became  archbishop. 
See  further,  p.  54  above. 


Correspondence 


Quae  modulando 
clara  solebat 
dicere  laudes 
fistula  vestras, 

5  murmure  rauco 
nunc  canit,  atque 
lugubris  extat: 
dicit  et  Unde 
vos  ab  ovili, 

10  pastor,  abestis  ? 
grex  duce  nullo 
devius  errat : 
nemo  reducit : 
pascua  quaerit ; 

15  et,  quia  quae  sunt 
commoda  nescit, 
noxia  sumit ; 
morbidus  ergo 
et  moribundus 

20  omnis  habetur. 

Insidiosus 
circuit  hostis ; 
spectat  ovilis 
septa  relicti : 

25  undique  liber 
intrat  et  exit, 
exit  et  intrat: 
nemo  repellit. 
ille  lupinas 

30  intus  agendo 
exerit  iras  : 
nemo  resistit. 

Omnia  sternit; 
cuncta  necantur, 
35  debile,  pingue, 
agnus  ovisque. 
quippe  luporum 
nil  satis  extat 
ingluviei : 


8.    Gilbert  to  Ansehn. 

40  non  satis  esse 
aestimat  unus 
milia  mille. 
accipe  plures 
intus  adesse, 

45  atque  videto 
quanta  relicti 
undique  strages 
fiat  ovilis. 

Creditor,  inquam 
50  ilia  requiret : 
nam  sua  quaerit 
credita  quisque. 
vos,  ut  opinor, 
restituetis ; 
55  quippe  fuerunt 
credita  vobis. 
debita  reddi 
nemo  refellit: 
ergo  timendum. 

60  Milia  quippe 
multa  requirit, 
quae  sub  ovili 
credita  vestro 
perdita  fiunt. 

65  Anglia  tota, 
gens  populosa: 
Scotia  tota : 
insula  longe 
longior  illis, 

70  gens  numerosa, 
sunt  et  Hiberni 
quando  revisa 
regna  perampla 
ista  fuere  ? 

75  nemo  revisit: 
annus  et  anni 
praeteriere : 
ergo  timendum. 


84 


Gilbert  Crispin 


For  this  epistolary  poem,  which  is  entitled  in  the  manuscript  Ad  Amelmum 
archiepiscopum,  see  above  pp.  22  and  54.    I  subjoin  the  following  variants : 
2    solebat]  sedebat  MS. 
18    morbidus]  moribus  MS. 
23    ovilis]  ovile  MS. 

65 — 72    The  ms  has  these  lines  thus  (reading  across  the  page): 
Anglia  tota  Gens  populosa  .a. 

Scotia  tota  Insula  longe 

Sunt  et  hiberni       Quando  revisa 
Longior  illis  Gens  numerosa  .b. 

The  scribe  has  attempted  to  rectify  the  disorder :  but  plainly  it  is  the  last  two 
lines  that  require  transposition. 

77    praeteriere]  preterire  ms. 


VITA  DOMNI  HERLUINI  ABBATIS  BECCENSIS 
LIBER  DOMNI  GISLEBERTI  ABBATIS  DE  SIMONIACIS 
SELECTED  CHARTERS  WITH  NOTES 


VITA  DOMNI  HERLUINI  ABBATIS  BECCENSIS. 


Herluin  re- 
nounced the 
world,  when 
it  was  most 
attractive. 


His  noble 
origin. 


He  is  trained 
under  Gilbert 
count  of 
Brionne. 


His  prowess, 


and  mag- 
nanimity. 


QUONIAM  in  re  militari  quae  quis  memoratu  digna  egit  scripto 
eduntur  ad  posteritatis  exhortationem,  et  laudibus  attoUuntur 
prout  ingenium  scriptoris  et  facundia  praestat,  silentio  supersederi 
non  debet  ad  divinae  virtutis  gloriam  et  magnae  in  deum  fidei 
formam,  quae  in  satellitio  Christi  nostra  memoria  praeclare  egit 
abbas  venerabilis  Herluinus  Beccensis ;  cujus  virtutis  hoc  ad 
quendam  titulum  praescribatur,  quia  mundum  sibi  jocundissime 
ad  votum  arridentem  ea  aetate  penitus  recusavit  qua  vehementius 
alii  se  ingerunt  recusanti,  et  in  qua  patria  tunc  incolumem  armis 
inilitem  abrogatis  monachum  fieri  portentum  habebatur. 

A  Danis  qui  Normanniam  primi  obtinuere  pater  ejus  originem 
duxit ;  mater  proximam  ducum  Flandriae  consanguinitatem  attigit; 
Ansgotus  ille,  ista  Helois  nomen  habebat.  Gilebertus  Brionnensis 
comes,  primi  Ricardi  Normanniae  ducis  nepos  ex  filio  consule 
Godefrido,  ilium  enutritum  penes  se  inter  omnes  curiae  suae 
primates  habuit  acceptissime.  habilis  ille  ad  arma  plurimum 
erat,  nec  minori  ea  animositate  gestabat.  onmes  omnium  totius 
Normanniae  majorum  familiae  in  electis  ilium  habebant,  in  armis 
omnique  rei  militaris  usu  et  cultu  corporis  sui  attoUebant.  ab 
inhonestis  avertebat  animum,  honestis  quae  curiae  magni  faciunt 
impendebat  omne  studium.  domi  ac  militiae  commilitonum 
suorum  praestantissimus  non  esse  impatiens  erat.  quibus  de 
rebus  non  solum  singularem  domini  sui  obtinuerat  favorem, 
verum  et  apud  Robertum  totius  patriae  ducem  et  apud  exterarum 
dominos  regionum  pepererat  sibi  nomen  plurimum  accessumque 
familiarem.  alia,  quae  ad  captandum  nomen  in  saeculo  plurima^ 
fecit,  omittamus:  hoc  ad  fortitudinem  ^  animi  illius  ac  fidei  con- 
stantiam  et  in  armis  confidentiam  non  sileamus.    indigne  passus 

The  variants  of  the  MS  are  given,  where  the  edited  text  has  been  preferred. 
>  om.  plurima.  ^  fortitudinis. 


88  Gilbert  Crispin 

Injured  by     aliquando  factam  sibi  a  domino  iniuriam  famulatus  sui  commodum 
leaveniim -^^  ei  subtrahendo  contulit  se  eo  inviso  longe  alioi-sum.    eo  itaque 
sub  tempore  comes  ipse  Gilebertus  quoiumdam  potentissimorum 
Normanniae  lacessitus  injuriis  multam  militum  manum  contraxit, 
injurias  suas  effere  volens  ultum  iri :  homo  ferocis  animi,  magni 
potentatus,  nominisque  supremi  avidus,  utpote  ducum  tantorum 
propinquus,  ad  potentiae  suae  ostentatum  per  nuntios  eis  non 
prope  diem  belli  sed  per  plures  ante  dies  id  se  facturum  et 
quando  transmisit.     ita  condicto  tempore  bellum  utrimque  ap- 
paratur,  quod  exequi  non  posset  sine  multa  partium  utrarumque 
strage,  nec  amplius  evitari  salva  eorum  dignitate.     quod  vir 
but  comes  to  animosus^,  quem  scribendum  accepimus,  ubi  compertum  habuit, 
bis  aid  in  a    -j-g^  iniuriarum  oblitus  viginti  secum  delectos  milites  assuraens 

moment  ot  <>  .... 

danger:  pergit  ad  diem  certaminis,  minime  cum  domino  verum  seorsum 
procul  ab  agmine  illo;  suae  etenim  suorumque  salutis  objectu  fidei 
suae  sponsionem  asserebat,  mortis  periculo  appetebat,  nuUius 
emolumenti  vicem  ab  illo  exquirens.  dictum  satis  est,  et  iis 
lucide  agnosci  potest,  quis  fuerit.  non  desertores  pugnae  quos 
in  aliorum  pemiciem  metus  absolvit,  sed  quos  in  dominorum 
necem  et  patriae  excidium  cupiditas  inducit,  hoc  exemplo  allo- 
quimur,  nec  tarn  militaris  gloriae  obtentu  quam  servandae  causa 
fidei  proferimus.  dux  per  excelsi  montis  latus  agmen  cum 
deduceret,  videt  a  tergo  viginti  armatos  eminus  in  piano  subsequi, 
ac  hostile  aliquid  verens  imperat  confestim  qui  essent  scitum  ire. 
a  reconcilia-  accedunt  suos  et  causam  agnoscunt :  approbant  plurimum  mag- 
tion  follows,  i^r^j^iniitatem,  ac  duci  renuntiant.  admiratus  pro  injuriis  tanti  sibi 
servitii  vicem  restitui,  ilico  remittit  accessum,  cum  ampliori  gratia 
reddens  omnia  quae  sua  fuerant.  bellum  quod  instabat  crastinae 
lucis  sub  exortu  nuntii  praedicti  provinciae  ducis  Roberti  noctu 
ante  venientes  dirimunt,  jus  fidemque  sacram  obtestati,  ut  ab 
armis  discedant,  et  judicium  belli  curiae  suae  expectant  definitioni. 
itaque  pars  utraque  ac  neutra  superior  altera  discessit  ab  armorum 
excisione.  divina  sibi  providentia  lignum  illud  ad  omne  opus 
bonum  utile  conservabat.  nolebat  summus  artifex  violentia  saecu- 
laris  aurae  jam  plus  illud  distorqueri  aut  infructuosis  afFectationibus 
exhumectari. 

At  the  age  of  Vitae  hujus  jocundissimo  statu  annos  ille  jam  excesserat  triginta 
thirty-seven    geptem,cum  tandem  divino  [metujsuccendi  amore  mens  illius  coepit, 


'  animos. 


Life  of  Herluin 


89 


his  soul  was   et  ab  amore  mimdi  tepescere  sensimque  in  dies  frigescere,  ab  ex- 
divhlelove:^  terioribus  oculum  cordis  convertens  ad  se  ipsurn.    ibat  frequentius 
ad  ecclesiam,  orabat  devote,  ac  saepe  pronimpebatur  in  lacrimas. 
ludicra  re  omni  omissa,  jam  minus  frequens  erat  in  curia,  qua  hoc 
solo  retinebatur,  quod  praedia  sua  deo  secum  lucrari  satagebat. 
quod  et  obtinuit,  extorquens  ea  sibi  a  domino  suo  multa  instantia 
servitii.    saepe  sub  diem  pemoctabat  orans  in  ecclesiis,  et  mane 
in  curia  primus  coram  aderat  ad  mensam  domini.  quia  inter  sodales 
parsimoniam  exercere  nolebat,  multis  quae  adinveniebat  impedi- 
mentis  absens,  saepe  totum  jejuniis  transigebat  diem,    in  armis 
in  cultu  corporis  non  idem  studium  quod  prius  satis  indicabat 
altercationem  animi  illius,  quam  adhuc  seria  dissimulatione  celabat. 
angebatur  mens  et  in  plura  cogitationum  deliberatione  distrahe- 
batur.    militiae  ac  ceterae  saecularis  rei  usum  relinquere  summa 
but  there  was  erat  voti.    verum  quo  se  conferret,  quod  vivendi  genus  assumeret, 
gui^^him.     ignorabat.     rarus  in  Nonnannia  tunc  recti  tramitis  index  aut 
The  Norman  praevius  erat ;  sacerdotes  ac  summi  pontifices  libere  conjugati  et 
secvflLrsed^    arma  portantes  ut  laici  erant;  veterum  ritu  Danorum  universi 
adhuc  vivebant.     sed  sicut  spiritus  ubi  vult  spirat,  ita  quern 
His  rigorous  aspirat  unctio  ejus  docet  de  omnibus,  abrenuntians  ergo  militiae, 
at^Gilbert's**^  ^ili  tegumento  indutus,  barba  et  crine  intonsus  inter  aulicos  ea 
court.  quidem  diu  servivit  quam  diximus  intentione,  exiturus  ab  Egypto 

ille  Hebraeus,  ea  videlicet  transiliens  quae  transeunt  ac  omni 
conamine  se  extendens  in  ea  quae  aetema  existunt,  ab  eis  qui 
remanebant  mutuatum  in  opus  dei  asportare'  conabatur  quicquid 
pretiosum  poteratjam  domini  sui  laetus  assidens  ad  mensam  inter 
multimodas  epulas  et  comessantes  pane  asperiori  vescebatur  et 
aqua:  ridebatur  ab  universis,  amentiae  quicquid  agebat  reputabatur. 
minis,  promissis,  injuriis,  dominus  et  universi  satellites  nil  poterant 
a  proposito  suo  eum  avertere  conantes.  mittebatur  homo  olim 
universis  acceptissimus  saepenumero  ad  curias  sedens  asinum, 
moeror  ac  risus  diversis  quo  adveniebat,  servitiorum  quidem 
gratiositate,  quia  metuebat  saeculo  irretiri  nec  equitare  jam 
volebat,  asinando  serviens  domino  sine  cujus  permissu  discedere 
nolebat-.  et  quia  pro  deo  abjectus  esse  nequaquam  erubuit,  nec 
deus  ilium  erubescens  super  terram  quoque  amplissimam  illi 
restituit  vicem. 

A  crisis  comes      Comes  Gilebertus  de  cujusdam  compatriotae  sui  danmo  agens 
*  absportare  (adsportare  ed.).  2  volebat. 


90 


Gilbert  Crispin 


when  he  de-    quod  in  illius  vergebat  perniciem,  ad  principem  Normanriiae 
j'usTmL^ion."  Robertum,  cujiis  quicquid  super  hoc  agebatur  intererat,  praedicto 
viro  hac  de  re  imposiiit  allegationem.    at  vir  pacis  ferre  damnosa 
alicui  machinamenta  penitus  recusavit.    perstat  dominus  in  sen- 
tentia  hortans  et  comminans,  iit  homo  sibi  intimus  verbum  consilii 
sui  ad  dominum  suum  perferendo  referat.    agitur  ut  jam  ostendat 
miles  ad  utrumlibet  positus,  cui  servire,  superno  an  terreno  domino, 
malit.    sed  mox  nt  superni  causa  domini  exegit,  ilico  funem,  quo 
sub  terreni  servitio  domini  retinebatur,  abrupit:  abdicata^  omnino 
legatione  discedit  a  curia,    quin  tamen  iret  comes  Gilebertus  nuUo 
modo  discredens  post  paucos  dies  curiam  ivit,  rescire  volens  quid 
dux  responderet.    veruin  ut  cognovit  ad  eum  non  fuisse  perlatum, 
efferatus  in  ilium  cui  imposuerat,  mandat  abduci  quicquid  habebant 
His  lands  are  ipse  et  sui.    continuo  abripiuntur  omnia  sua,  nec  curat ;  vastantur 
^  ■         quoque  pauperes  sui,  unde  non  parva  sollicitatur  cura.  pauperum 
He  returns  to  ergo  transmissus  questu  et  lacrimis  post  parva  dierum  intervalla 
poo^rVepend-  rediit  ad  dominum,  nullamque  sui  curam  gerens  egit  suppliciter 
causam  innoxiorum.  accersitur  negotium  totius  curiae,  et  acerrime 
in  causam  deducitur.  intenduntur  crimina,  quae  humili  et  sufficienti 
ratione  cuncta  purgando  removebat;  qui  in  eo  judici  respondebat 
spiritus  dei,  tacitis  unde  judex  potius  erat  infestus,  alia  quaedam 
admissa  intendebat,  sciens  iste  quid  lateret  in  fundo.    Quae  mea 
sunt,  inquit,  hinc  accepta  universa  distrahantur,  dum  pauperibus, 
qui  vestram  nullo  crimine  iram  meruerunt,  sua  restituantur. 
motus  ad  pietatem  dominus,  quern  mundanae  celsitudinis  fastus 
plurimum  obtinebat,  abducto  in  partem  viro  perquisivit  animi 
commutationem  et  finem  consilii.     cui  paucis  ille  verbis  cum 
multis  lacrimis  respondit :  Saeculum  amando  et  tibi  obsequendo 
nimium  deum  ac  me  ipsum  hactenus  neglexi.   quae  corporis  erant 
cultui  omnino  intentus  nuUam  animae  meae  eruditionem  accepi. 
quapropter  precor,  si  quid  unquam  bene  merui  a  te,  liceat  vitae 
quod  superest  in  monasterio  transigi  salvo  circa  me  amore  tuo,  et 
The  count  is  da  mecum  deo  quae  habui.    habitae  diu  deliberationi  finis  iste 
melted :        consedit :  corde  in  lacrimis  concitato  sustinere  nequit  ille  ulterius 
loquentem :  abripit  se  in  cameram.    pietas  humana  multa  in  eo 
and  granta     erat  circa  ilium  militem  suum,  multa  et  illi  circa  dominum  ;  ac  vix 
release,  ^0  missionem  requirere  valebat,  sed  praevalebat  fortis  ut  mors 

dilectio.    tandem  gratissimo  clienti  expetitam  concedit,  tam  sui 

"  abdi|dicata. 


Life  of  Herhiin 


91 


quam  suorum  omnium  facultatem.    quern  eatenus  ut  bene  obse- 
quentem  sibi  amaverat,  jam  coepit  amare  ut  dominum,  ac  libens 
obsequebatur  illi.    plures  dies  multo  cum  honore  detentum  apud 
with  all  hia    ^e  debita  honorifieentia  remisit,  ditioni  illius  ac  servitio  tradens 
patrimony,     quidquid  paterni  juris  habebant  fratres  sui,  qui  eadem  dignitate 
geniti  pares  extiterant  sibi :   quia  dignior  et  vera  nobilitate 
generosior  germanis  efficiebatur,  jure  ab  eis  illi  subici  nec  in- 
dignum  aut  injuriosum  aestimabatur. 
He  retreats  to      Protinus  in  villa  quae  dicitur  Bumenvilla  extruendum  servitio 
BonneWlle,     dei  opus  axTipuit  non  parvum  brevi  peractum.    ipse  non  solum 
chapeh  ^  *   operi   praesidebat,  sed  opus  ipsum   efficiebat,  terram  fodiens, 
fossam  efferens,  lapides  sabulum  calcemque  humeris  comportans 
ac  ea  in  parietem  ipsemet  componens.    quibus  alii  horis  aberant, 
ipse  congerebat  quae  ad  opus  exigebantur,  excludens  otium  ab 
omni  parte  diei,  quanto  vanitate  tumida  olim  delicatior,  tanto 
vera  humilitate  nunc  ad  omnem  laboris  tolerantiam  propter  deum 
patientior.  cibum  praeter  quibus  non  licet  diebus  semel  accipiebat, 
nec  exquisitum  et  parce  satis,  expleto  cum  die  opere  suo.    et  quia 
and  learns  at  interdiu  nequibat,  ediscendo  psalterio  noctem  paene  totam  impen- 
uight  to  read  debat.    his  exercitiis  multa  iocunditate  exercebatur  novus  tiro 

his  psalter.      ^,    .  . 

Christi. 

His  great  Prima  litterarum  elementa  didicit  cum  jam  existeret  annorum 

proficiency  prope  quadraginta ;  et  divina  opitulante  gi-atia  eo  usque  processit, 
grace.  ut  etiam  ipsis  apprime  eruditis  grammatica  in  exponendis  ac 

intelligendis  divinarum  scripturai'um  sententiis  merito  haberetur 
admirabilis.  quod  ut  solius  divinae  gratia  efficientiae  actum 
credatur,  nocturnis  tantum  horis  huic  studio  vacabat,  quia  propter 
lectionem  nunquam  divini  operis  intermisit  executionem.  non 
solum  in  cithara  confiteri  domino,  verum  et  in  psalterio  decem 
chordarum  psallere  gestiebat,  congrua  temporum  distributione, 
nunc  attentus  bonae  actioni,  nunc  intentus  lectioni  atque  orationi. 
He  goes  to  see  Nova  rursus  molimina  contra  eum  hostis  antiquus  invenit. 
livJ-™"'^^^  quod  summum  in  humana  vita  ille  excogitaverat,  monasterialis 
videlicet  ordinis  fastigium,  paene  dissuasit  his  occasionibus.  coeno- 
bium  quoddam  adiit  gratia  inquirendi  de  vita  monachorum.  habita 
oratione  accessit  omni  cum  reverentia  multo  cum  timoi-e  ad  ostium 
claustri,  velut  ad  ostium  paradisi,  desiderantissimus  scire  qui 
monachorum  habitus,  qui  mores,  quae  in  claustro  sedendi  sit 
religio.  vidit  longe  ab  ea  quam  coenobialis  ordo  exposcit  gravi- 
tate morum  omnes  haberi.    turbatus  est,  jam  omnino  incertus 


92 


Gilbert  Crispin 


but  is  ejected 
as  a  thief. 


He  visits 
other  monks, 
but  finds 
them  vain 


aucl  barbar- 
ous. 


One  praying 
brother  re- 
stores his 
hope. 


These 
victories  of 
faith  are  true 
miracles. 


quod  vivendi  genus  approbaret.  ad  haec  qui  monasterii  custos 
erat,  ut  ilium  sic  introrsus  accedentem  conspexit,  furem  suspicatus 
immisso  quanta  vi  potuit  coUo  illius  pugno  per  capillos  foris  usque 
ad  ostium  extrusit.  at  vir  patientissimus  pro  illata  sibi  injuria 
milium  monacho  laicus  verbum  impatientiae  respondit.  talibus 
quidem  accedere  plurimum  extimuit:  sed  palmes  propagatus  ab  ea 
quae  vera  vitis  existit  nullo  adversitatum  aestu  arescere  potest, 
alte  radicatus  in  illius  caritate  quae  omnia  suffert. 

Hoc  de  illo  aedificationis  referens  solatium,  aliud  ea  de  re 
proximo  natali  dominico  adiit  majoris  nominis  coenobium.  festiva 
processione  cum  fratres  in  die  solemnitatis  exissent,  vidit  indecenti 
benevolentia  monachos  passim  arridere  laicis,  aggaudere  in  para- 
tioribus^  ornamentis  ostentando^  ea  aliis,  ad  introitum  contentioso 
tumultu  anticipare  aditum.  ad  haec  insistentem  sibi  nimium 
fratrem  quidam  monachus  monachum  pugno  repercussum  avertit, 
ac  impulsum  supinis  dentibus  demisit  ad  solum :  adhuc  enim,  ut 
dictum  est,  omnes  omnium  per  Normanniam  mores  barbari  erant. 
hac  rerum  insolentia  ne  bonum  damnaret  inceptum,  tantam 
actuum  levitatem,  tantam  morum  improbitatem  contuens  in  illis 
ad  quorum  normam  vitam  suam  corrigere  vole  bat,  dei  manus 
effecit  subveniens  labanti.  sequenti  nocte  expleto  matutinorum 
officio  diu  ante  lucem  aliis  emissis  oraturus  ipse  remansit  occultatus 
in  quodam  angulo  oratorii.  mox  quidam  monachus  eo  non  viso 
prope  constitit  ad  orandum,  qui  nunc  toto  corpore  prostratus  nunc 
tantum  genibus  flexis  cum  lacrimis  orans  usque  mane  clarum 
perstitit.    ejus  igitur  exemplo  omnino  redintegratus  est. 

Referimus  miracula,  sed  eis  unde  vulgus  fert  sententiam 
multum  potiora  ;  quanquam  non  defuerunt  et  ipsa,  quid  enim  glori- 
osius(quam)  quod  victus  ab  eo  ubique  hostis  deo  vincente  succubuit? 
robur  constantiae  illius  duris  hactenus  adversitatum  ictibus  per- 
fringere  conabatur,  sed  conamen  ejus  omne  frustrabatur :  nunc 
malis  pravorum  exemplis  suffodere  molitur.  verum  ut  in  canticis 
legimus  canticorum :  Uniuscuj usque  viri  ensis  super  femur  suum 
propter  timores  uocturnos ;  seu  diurna  oppugnatione  seu  nocturna 
subdole  rationis  alicujus  suggestione  accedat,  invenit  eum  excu- 
bantem  in  propugnaculis.  gerit  in  manu  gladium,  qui  universas 
hostis  compages  ac  medullas  exequitur,  dinoscens  ac  exterminans 
quae  ab  illo  cogitationes  atque  intentiones  suggeruntur:  ad 


imparatioribus. 


ostendando  (ostendendo  ed.). 


Life  of  Herluin 


93 


excipiendos  ictus  longanimitatis  et  patientiae  forti  clypeo  munitur. 

positus  infra  divinae  custodiae  murum  ad  omnia  illius  molimina 

Ps.  cxxi  4.     vigilis  sui  commonitione  soUicitatur,  quia  non  dormitabit,  neque 

dormiet  qui  custodit  Israel,    igitur  non  exploratis  ad  votum  quae 

volebat  castrorum  domini,  redit  firmaturus  suum  quod  contra 

spirituales  incursus^  extruebat.     avulsit  ilico  patemas  domos, 

unde  servorum  dei  habitacula  construxit. 

He  is  clothed  Sacrata  vero  quam  construxit  ecclesia  ab  episcopo  Lexovii 
as  a  monk,  .  i  i    t  ■ 

nomme  Hereberto,  comam  totondit,  ac  saecularem  habitum  de- 

ponens  ab  eodem  pontifice  sacrae  habitum  religionis  accepit,  miles 

Christi  per  tot  pericula  fortis  ante  expertus.   ejusdem  ordinis  cum 

ordained^  and  eo  jugum  subierunt  duo  sui.     postmodum  a  praefato  praesule 

sacerdos  consecratus,  pluribus  ducatui  illius  jam  adscitis^  fratribus 

abbas  praeficitur.    tuto  imitandus  aliis  praeponitur,  qui  per  annos 

tres  improperium  vitae  spiritualis  patientissime  tulit  coram  saecu- 

laribus  alienatus  spectaculis,  quibus  innutritus  cotidie  alios  videbat 

oblectari,  rigorem  abstinentiae  non  relaxans  inter  affluentissimas 

dominorum  mensas,  omni  denique  abjectioni  corpus  suum  subiciens 

in  curia,  quos  ergo  regendos  acceperat,  arctissime  sed  more  patrum 

The  simple  priorum  regebat.  videres  peracto  in  ecclesia  officio  abbatem  collo 
life  of  his  ,  ,  ,  i        ■  , 

community,    sementem,  manu  rastrum  vel  sarculum  gestantem  ad  agriculturam 

praeire  monachos  omnes,  ruris  operi  sub  diei  terminum  insistere. 

sentibus  et  spinis  alii  agrum  emundabant,  alii  fimum  scapulis 

comportantes  spargebant,  hi  sarriebant,  illi  serebant,  nemo  panem 

absumebat  in  otio,  ad  horam  agendi  officium  in  ecclesia  omnes  ad 

unamquamque  horam ^  conveniebant.     victus  quotidianus  panis 

siligineus  et  herbae  cum  aqua  et  sale,  aqua  non  nisi  lutulenta, 

quia  fons  nusquam  praeter*  ad  duo  miliaria  habebatur.  caeleste 

aiebant  beneficium,  cum  panis  melior  et  caseus  vel  aliquod  aliud 

edulium  undecumque  habebatur.    exemplum  magistri  et  conatus 

omnem  murmurandi  excludebat  aditum.    abbas  prior  ad  opus,  ab 

opere  discedebat  ultimus,  operator  ipse  continuus.    simili  se  inibi 

propter  deum  servituti  nobilis  mater  ejus  addixit,  et  concessis  dec 

praediis  quae  habebat,  ancillae  fungebatur  officio,  servientium  dec 

pannos  abluens  et  quicquid  injungebatur  extremi  operis  accura- 

tissime  agens. 

^eril'and'^'^'^  Ad  opus  servorum  dei  quadam  die  cum  annonam  torreret, 
escape.         nescio  quo  casu  domus  undique  succensa  est.    cucurrit  quidam 

*  incurias.  ^  additis.  ^  om.  horam.  *  om.  praeter. 


94 


Gilbert  Crispin 


ejulando  nuntians  abbati  domos  ainbustas  et  matrem  ejus  inibi 
esse  combustam.    at  ille  licet  lacrimis  sulfusus  ad  deum  manus 
levavit;  Gratias  tibi,  deus,  inquiens,  quod  in  officio  servientium 
tibi  matrem  meam  ignis  absumpsit.  fortis  in  amore  dei  constantia, 
quae  tot  diaboli  arietibus  impulsa  labare  non  poterat :  malleos  ac 
ignes  inimicus  nesciens  suggerebat,  quibus  vir  patiens  minime 
fundebatur,  sed  purgatus  ad  coronam  gloriae  formabatur.  nil 
tamen  mali  in  ilia  conflagratione  praedicta  domina  passa  fuit. 
He  moves  to        Dein  post  aliquantum  temporis  per  visum  divinitus  commonitus 
haHuble  spot  ^st,  ut  dimissa  solitudine  campestri,  quae  competenti  oportunitate 
near  the  Bee.  omnino  carebat,  eum  ad  locum  sui  juris  mansionem  transferret,  qui 
a  rivo  illic  mananti  Beccus  appellatur,  ad  miliarium  a  castro  quod 
vocatur  Brionnium.    est  hie  locus  in  ipso  saltu  Brionnensi,  valle 
ima   montibus  saltuosis  hinc  inde  occlusa,  omni  oportunitate 
humano  usui  commodus :  propter  densitatem  ac  rivi  recreationem 
ferarum  illuc  multus  erat  accursus.    trium  tantum  molendinorum 
tres  domus  illic  erant,  et  solum  habitabile  permodicum.  quid  ergo 
faceret  ?  molendinorum  in  uno  pars  sibi  nulla,  aliorum  duorum  sua 
pars  erat  tertia;  nec  tantum  soli  liberum  quantum  oportuna 
domuum  capacitas  exigebat.     comes  Gilebertus  nil  usquam  eo 
saltu  pretiosius  possidebat.    quid  plura  ?  spe  in  deo  firmata  coepit 
operari,  ac  deus  evidentissime  cooperari ;  nam  consortes  et  conter- 
mini  quas  habebant  partes  seu  venditione  seu  gratuita  donatione 
omnes  sibi  suas  dedere,  ac  brevi  sub  tempore  silvam  Brionnii  quae 
circum  erat  totam  obtinuit. 
He  builds  a         Consecrata  paucis  extructa  annis  non  parva  ecclesia,  columnis 
and  a  wooden       ligneis  claustrum  construxit,  in  quo  ad  morem  patriae  fratres 
cloister  which  y^j^  nusquam  progressuros  considere  instituit.    nocte  vero  subse- 

collapses  in  ...  .  i  •  i    i  ... 

the  night.  cuta,  orationi  eo  intento  m  stratu  suo,  diabolus  futuri  illic  bonorum 
operum  incrementi  primordia  cernens  impatientissime  tulit.  tectum 
dormitorii  multa  vi  conscendit,  unde  quasi  conamine  multo  coUi- 
gens  se  supra  novam  novorum  parietum  insiluit  cooperturam,  ac  in 
unum  ad  terram  universa  dejecit.  verum  his  non  erat  semen  quod 
in  petrosis  ortum  areat,  quia  non  habet  humorem  ;  sed  pingui  terra 
exceptum  attulit  fructum  in  patientia.  mane  quia  inimicus  hoc 
fecerat  indicavit  fratribus,  et  dejectos  eorum  animos  redintegrans 
claustrum  ex  lapidibus  reaedificare  coepit. 
A  godless  Juxta  vicinus  degebat  nomine  Rodulfus  cognomine  Pinellus, 

fate*'^""'      homo  saeculi  plurimum  addictus  concupiscentiis;  qui  ab  ipso  abbate 
cum  saepenumero  ad  bene  vivendum  moneretur  spernebat,  irridebat: 


Life  of  Herluin 


95 


irridendo,  cum  ab  armis  defessus  ac  mundi  voluptate  satiatus  esset, 
monachum  se  futurum  respondebat.   quadam  ergo  die  dominica  pro 
quibusdam  altercationum  controversiis  praedictum  abbatem  adiit, 
penes  quern  demoratus  in  vesperum,  nocte  jam  ingruente  more  solito 
admonitus,  rogatus  et  irridens,  domum  rediit,  et  circa  ejusdem  noctis 
is  revealed  to  medium  morte  subita  praeventus  hominem  exuit.    quod  abbas  ipse 
the  abbot.      eadem  hora  agnovit,  animam  illius  raptam  a  daemonibus  audiens 
miserabili  planctu  ejulantem,  et  ita  per  longum  temporis  et  loci 
intervallum  abduci.    mittit  sub  acceleratione  quid  de  illo  ageretur 
inquisitum  iri.    legatus  illuc  pervolans  pulsatas  fores  irrupit, 
irrumpens  ad  cubile  pervenit,  in  cubile  jam  gelidum  ac  membris 
omnibus  rigidum  ad  latus  nesciae  uxoris  invenit.     hujus  miraculi 
unum  fratribus  testem  habuit,  qui  cum  eo  ejusdem  ejulatus  audivit. 
A  ghostly  Quadam  die  circa  vespertinas  horas  cum  foris  ad  opus  resideret, 

away  a^inful  ^^^^^  daemonem  sub  habitu  clerici  prope  locum  transire  et  earn 
monk.  dormitorii  officinam,  in  quam  fratrum  ad  necessaria  secessus  est, 

adire.  re  vera  suspicatus  clericum  et  quod  ad  oratorium  ire 
voluisset,  fecit  a  compluribus  inclamari  qua  ibat  non  esse  viam 
oratorii.  nequaqu&m  exaudienfcem  prosequitur  missus  qui  revocaret, 
sed  elapsi  nulla  prorsus  vestigia  invenit.  intellexit  tandem  inimici 
praestigium,  ac  rei  eventum  expectavit.  nocte  proxima  quidam 
monachus  de  monasterio  fugiens  per  eadem  loca  egressus  discessit, 
ut  e  vestigio  subsecutus  prodidit.  quod  mane  ille  cum  comperisset 
dixit,  cui  militabat  et  qui  eum  abducere  sategit,  a  vespertinis  horis 
praestolabatur  ibi  immundus  immundum  dominus  satellitem  per 
immunda  jure  abducturus. 
The  abbot  Variis  ergo  simultatibus  quae  saepe  introrsus  oriebantur  coepit 

Fn'ruling  hfs^  dolere  multum  et  anxiari.  ad  ea  enim  componenda  qui  in  claustro 
monks.         praesideret  minime  erat,  sumptuum  congerendorum  necessitas 
ilium  extra  immorari  compellabat.    hac  de  re  multotiens  deum 
cum  jam  exorasset,  divina  sibi  miseratio  accommodavit  auxilium, 
sufficiens  ad  universa  quae  agenda  forent  suffragium. 
Lanfranc,  a         Ortus  Italia  quidam  vir  erat,  quem  Latinitas,  in  antiquum  ab 
great  sc  o  ar,      restituta  scientiae  statum,  tota  supremum  debito  cum  amore  et 
honore  agnoscit  magistrum,  nomine  Lanfrancus^:  ipsa  quoque  in 
liberalibus  studiis  magistra  gentium^  Graecia  discipulos  illius 
libenter  audiebat  et  admirabatur.    is  patria  egressus,  quamplures 
multi  nominis  scholares  sccum  habens,  in  Normanniam  devenit. 

'  Lanfrancum.  -  ovi,  gentium. 


96 


Gilbert  Origin 


considerans  vero  scientissimus  vir  quod  captare  auram  mortalium 
vanitas  est,  et  quia  ad  non  esse  prona  sunt  universa,  praeter  eura 
qui  semper  est  et  qui  ei  intendunt,  ad  obtinendum  ejus  amorem 
turns  from     animum  convertit  et  studium.    quod  igitur  in  litteris  perfectius 
invenit  consilium  placendi  deo  arripuit,  ut  relictis  omnibus,  abdicato 
Mt.  XVI  24.     etiam  sui  ipsius  jure,  ilium  sequeretur  qui  dixit :  Si  quis  vult  post 
me  venire,  abneget  semetipsum,  et  toUat  crueem  suam  et  sequatur 
me.    et  quia,  quanto  magnus  fuerat,  tanto  fieri  optabat  humilior, 
locum  adire  disposuit  ubi  litterati  aliqui  non  essent  qui  eum  honori 
and  comes  to  ac  reverentiae  haberent.   Beccum  itaque  adiit,  quo  nullum  usquam 
unknown.^     pauperius  aestimabatur  vel  abjectius  coenobium.   forte  tunc  abbas 
extruendae  fornaci  occupatus  ipsemet  operabatur  manibus  suis : 
cujus  humilitatem  animi  sermonisque  dignitatem  ille  plurimum 
veneratus  et  amans,  monachus  ibi  efficitur. 
The  abbot  and       Videres  ergo  inter  eos  pium  certamen.    abbas  quondam  cleri- 
recruit.^'*''^  catus  ex  grandaevo  laico  verebatur  sibi  subditam  tanti  doctoris 
celsitudinem.  ille  nullam  pro  eminenti  scientia  gerens  insolentiam, 
humillime  ad  omnia  parebat,  attendebat,  admirabatur,  et  praedi- 
cabat  quam  ipsi  in  intelligendis  scripturis  gratiam  deus  concesserat. 
abbas  erga  ilium  debita  veneratione,  ille  erga  eum  omnimoda  con- 
tendebat  submissione :  forma  gregi  uterque  vivendi,  unus  active. 
The  abbot's    alter  Contemplative,    abbas  peritus  erat  in  dirimendis  causarum 
and°strenuou8  saecularium  controversiis,  prudens  in  iis  quae  ad  exteriora  pertinent; 
life-  in  aedificando  et  procurando  quae  necessaria  forent  neque  prudentior 

neque  efficacior  salva  religione  poterat  esse,  praesentia  corporalis 
foris  inter  curas  mundi  cum  residebat,  animus  ad  sui  curam  et 
amorem  dei  praecipue  intendebat ;  nullam  saecularis  pompae  curam 
gerens,  soli  deo  in  actibus  suis  gratificari  gestiebat.  humillimus, 
summae  patientiae,  in  exequendo  carnis  appetitu  modesto  rigore 
continentissimus,  semper  ad  orationem  primus  exsurgebat,  nec 
diurni  laboris  multa  defatigatio  ilium  in  lecto  post  alios  retinebat^. 
quo  jure,  qua  tranquillitate  subditos  sibi  regebat:  legum  patriae 
scientissimus  praesidium  suis  erat  contra  iniquos  exactores;  et  si 
quid  inter  eos  controversiae  nascebatur,  aequissimo  confestim  statu 
componebat.  undecumque  vel  quibuscumque  loquebatur,  sermo 
ejus  dignitatem  in  se  maximam  gerens  obaudiebatur. 
The  scholar's  At  doctor  ille  maximus  in  claustro  omnem  operam  impendebat 
solitude        quieti  et  silentio,  cordis  sui  novalia  verbi  sacri  excolens  assidua 

*  requiebat. 


Life  of  Herluin 


97 


lasts  for  three  lectione,  irrigans  ea  diilci  quani  saepe  obtinebat  lacrimarum  corn- 
years,  punctione.  sic  per  tres  annos  vixit  solitarius  infrequentia  hominum, 
gaiidens  quod  ibi  nesciebatur,  praeter  paucissimos  quibus  aliquando 
He  is  found  loqiiebatur  omnibus  ignotus.  rumor  ut  hoc  factum  prodidit^  longe 
crowds' of  lateque  protulit,  et  fama  viri  praeclarissima  Beccum  et  abbatem 
pupils  flock    Herluinum  brevi  per  orbem  terrarum  extulit.    accurrunt  clerici, 

to  Bee.  ..  ....  ...  .  . 

ducum  filii,  nominatissimi  scholarum  Latinitatis  magistri ;  laici 
potentes,  alta  nobilitate  viri  multi  pro  ipsius  amore  multas  eidem 
ecclesiae  terras  contulere.  ditatur  ilico  Beccensis  locus  ornamentis, 
possessionibus,  pereonis  nobilibus  et  honestis  :  interius  religio  atque 
eruditio  multum  accrescere,  exterius  rerum  omnium  necessariarum 
subministratio  coepit  ad  plenum  abundare.  adimpletur  visio  quae 
in  eodem  monasterio  visa  est  paucos  ante  dies  quam  vir  ille  tantus 
ad  ordinem  coenobialem  venisset :  fons  videbatur  ortus  in  valle 
monasterii,  cujus  aqua  ad  montimn  cacumina  excrescens,  hinc  inde 
effusa,  per  campestrium  difFundebatur  amplitudinem.  abbas  fons 
erat  in  convalle  scilicet  humilitatis  exortus :  ^aquae  exundantes  et 
hinc  inde  latissime  effluentes,  monachi  qui  ab  illo  incrementum 
acceperunt  religionis"^^,  divinae  videlicet  eruditionis  disciplinam, 
qua  multi  ab  eodem  loco  longe  lateque  postea  sunt  meliorati. 
Lanfranc  Ad  administranda^  quoque  totius  regni  negotia  summus  ab 

becomes  duke  •         -vt  •       j         itt-ii  i  •!•  • 

William's      ^P^*^  jNonnanniae  duce  Willelmo  consiliarius  assumitur.  cujus 
counsellor:     gratiae  nimiam  quae  una  die  irruit  repente  obnubilationem, 
insperato  deus  confestim  laetificavit  sereno,  dignoque  relatu. 
but  is  quorundam  accusationibus  delatorum  dux  in  eum  vehementer 

banished*"^  amaricatus  mandat  ut  monasterio  exturbatus  patria  discedat : 
nec  motus  animi  sui  hac  vindicta  sedare  valens  mandavit  juris 
ejusdem  monasterii  villam,  quae  Parous*  dicitur,  flammis  excidi : 
paretur  tam  efferae  jussioni.  eo  discedente,  qui  gaudium  omne 
fratribus  erat  et  consolatio,  dolor  altus  remanet.  quia  melior  non 
habebatur,  tripes  quarto  pede  inutili  equus  illi  tribuitur,  et  unus 
Lam.  iii  26.  famulus.  instant  itaque  fratres  orationi,  juxta  illud  Jeremiae, 
praestolantes  cum  silentio  salutare  domini.  protinus  quam  ille 
discedebat,  duci  obvius  venienti  appropinquans,  equo  per  singulos 
passus  caput  ad  terram  submittente,  dominum  salutat.  innocentiae 
quidem  conscius,  si  locus  dicendi  daretur,  non  diffidebat  causae, 
majestas  ilia  humana  primo  vultum  avertit,  sed  divina  agente 
dementia  mox  miserando  respectat,et  nutu  benivolentiae  loquendi^ 

'  prodiit.  *  xic  ed. :  coder  hohet  qni  ab  illo  incrementi  aque  exundantes  hinc 

illinc  latissime  effluerent  accepit.       '  ministranda.       •*  parens.       *  loquenti. 
R.  c.  7 


He  meets 
duke, 


98 


Gilbert  Crispin 


jests  with  aditum  concedit.  tunc  ille  decenti  joco  ait:  Tuo  jussu  tua  pro- 
vincia  discedo  pedes,  hoc  inutili  occupatus  quadrupede :  vel  ut 
jussioni  tuae  parere  queam,  da  equum  mihi  meliorem.  cui  dux 
subridendo,  Quis,  inquit,  ab  ofFenso  judice,  infecto  criminis  illati 
negotio^,  munera  exposcit  ?  tandem  disertissimus  orator  petiit 
clears  himself,  audientiam  et  accepit :  causaeque  finem  in  eo  constituens  qui 
linguas  infantium  fecit  disertas,  dicendi  opem  subministrantibus 
eis  qui  pro  illo  ad  deum  orabant,  causam  exorsus  brevi  ad  optatum 
and  is  finem  peroravit.    in  amplissimam  confestim  gratiam  receptus  ac- 

fullfavour     *^^P^^  promissum  quod  nulla  deinceps  accusatione  subiret  purgandi 
se  praejudicium.    gi-atissimi  mox  succedunt  amplexus  et  oscula, 
quibus  argumentis  omnino  subsedit  adversariae  partis  omne  firma- 
mentum.    multo  etiara  cum  augmento  restituenda  promittuntur 
quae  dux  depopulari  nuperrime  jusserat.     alacerrime  quidam 
praecurrens  nuntiat  fratribus  ilium  redire.  commutantur  lacrimae : 
The  monks    personat  non  semel,  ut  fieri  solet  in  ecclesia,  sed  ubique  et  per 
aU  day  long*"  totum  diem  ab  universis  altius  corde  quam  ore  pium  Te  deum 
laudamus.     abbas  rei   inopinae   fidem   adhibere   non  poterat, 
donee  desideratus  advenit,  quem  per  diem  metus  per  annos 
reddiderat  absentem.    accumulatur  gaudium,  quia  incensorum  fit 
integerrima  restitutio,  terrarum  quoque  plurium^  concessarum 
eidem  ecclesiae  ab  eodem  domino  obtinetur^  confirmatio. 
Great  growth       Qui  ergo  in  ipsius  monasterii  inchoatione  domibus  necessariis 
of  the  abbey,  g^i^jj^-^  gufficiens  non  habuit,  ejus  paucos  infra  annos  ad  miliaria 
protenditur  dominium.     quid  referam  illic  servorum  dei  usui 
extructas  commoditates,  stagna,  virgulta,  culturas,  vineta  ?  nulla 
est  abbatia  quae  omni  hominum  commoditati  magis  commodificata 
existat. 

Non  multo  post  propter  inhabitantium  multitudinem  contigit 
Isa.  xlix  20.    in  ea  illud  dictum*  a  domino  per  Isaiam  prophetam :  Angustus 
mihi  est  locus,  fac  spatium  mihi  ut  inhabitem.    adunatam  etenim 
Lanfranc       illic  fratrum  multitudinem  quia  domorum  spatiositas  iam  capere 
bufwings^on  valebat,  et  quia  situs  loci  degentium  incolumitati  contrarius 

a  new  site.     existebat,  venerabilis  Lanfi-ancus  abbatem  Herluinum  de  majoris 
monasterii  et  officinarum  aedificatione  compellare  coepit.  tanti 
Herluin        operis  solam  commonitionem^  ille  extimuit,  aetatis  jam  deficientis 
viribus  plurimum  diffidens.    confortari,  adhortari,  ac  saepe  id 
ipsum  ingerere,  qui  coeperat  non  omisit.    nolente  ille  ullatenus 

1  om.  negotio.         ^  plurimum:  om.  ed.         ^  obtinet.         ^  om.  dictum. 
^  commotiopem  ed. 


refuses, 


Life  of  Herluin 


99 


till  the 
presbytery  of 
the  church 
falls  down. 


A  healthier 
site  is  chosen 
and  large 
buildings  are 
begun. 

The  abbot's 
faith  brings 
unfailing 
suiiplies. 


Lanfranc  is 
made  abbot 
of  Caen. 


The  work, 
retarded  for  a 
moment,  goes 
forward 
rapidly  again. 


Lanfranc 
goes  to 
Canterbury. 


adquiescere,  divino  nutu  monasterii  presbyterium  corruit.  anxianti 
super  hoc  et  midtum  conturbato  abbati  suus  in  omni  sua  desola- 
tione  consolator  accessit,  obsecrans  ut  vel  nunc  adquiescens  ampliora 
inchoaret  aedificia.  tandem  victus,  spem  in  deo  certissimam  gerens 
et  plurimum  in  consiliarii  sui  ope  confidens,  cujus  opera  sibi  bona 
omnia  proyeniebant,  in  salubriori  multum  situ  nova  inchoavit 
'  raonasterium  et  officinas,  opus  pergi-ande,  dignum,  cuius  dignitati 
ditiores  multae  non  accedunt  abbatiae.  ad  initiandum  hoc  opus 
tantum  non  res  suae,  quia  permodicae  erant,  sed  maxima  in  deum 
fides  animum  firmavit,  quae  universa  conferendo  sic  accumulavit 
quod  a  die  qua  primo  fundamenta  posita  sunt  usque  ad  extremi 
lapidis  impositionem  nec  materia  defuit  nec  sumptus.  testantur 
per  quorum  manus  expensae  agebantur,  quod  septimana  exacta 
multotiens  ante  horam  quod  daretur  operariis  minime  habebatur, 
et  ad  horam  undecumque  ad  sufficientiam  deus  largiebatiir. 

Post  triennii  vero  corapletionem,  sola  necdum  completa  basilica, 
venerabilis  Lanfi'ancus  coepti  operis  institutor,  tam  domini  quam 
Normanniae  primatum  supplicatione  coactus,  ecclesiae  Cadomensi 
abbas  praeficitur.  remoratur  coepta  aedificatio  aliquantisper,  verum 
illius  consilium  ac  beneficientia,  prout  opus  fuit,  praesto  semper 
extitit.  denique  tot  et  tanta  Beccensis  ecclesia  jam  habebat, 
tanta  vigebat  sollertia  praesidentis,  quod  cessare  opus  nulla  in- 
digentia  coegit :  illam  vero  ad  tempus  expletionis  moram  subsecuta^ 
iterum  prosperitas  nimia  acceleratione  compensavit. 

Interea  saepedictus  Normannorum  dux  Willelmus,  haeredi- 
tarium  sibi  Angliae  regnum  pervadens,  imperium  rebelle  armis  ad 
quae  voluit  jura  composuit.  deinde  ad  meliorandos  ecclesiarum 
status  animum  intendit.  totius  igitur  Christianitatis  summi 
pontificis  Alexandri,  viri  vita  et  scientia  excellentissimi,  consulto 
et  rogatu,  omnium  quoque  Anglici  et  Normanni  imperii  magnatum 
libentissimo  assensu,  rex  Willelmus,  quod  potissimum  solumque 
acceptabat  consilium,  doctorem  supra  memoratum  ad  hoc  elegit 
negotium.  victus  multiplici  ratione  in  Angliam  traducitur,  et, 
quae  insularum  transmarinarum  primatum  obtinet,  Cantuariensia 
ecclesiae  suscepit  praesulatum.  qui  multarum  ditatus  amplitudine 
terrarum,  auro  argentoque  locupletatus,  executus  mandatum  quod 
in  Exodo  mandatur,  Honora  patrem  tuum  et  matrem,  ut  sis 
longaevus  super  terram,  omnibus  modis  benignus  extitit  circa 


*  subsecutam  (hunc  locum  non  habet  ed.). 


100 


Gilbert  Crispin 


patrem  suum  spiritualem  et  matrem  ecclesiam.  cujus  ad  eas 
partes  transmigratio,  paucos  ante  dies  quam  inde  allegatio 
veniret,  venerabili  abbati  Herluino  per  visum  ostensa  est  hoc 
modo.  videbatur  quod  in  virgulto  arborem  malum  habebat,  cujus 
ramorum  spatiositas  multa  erat  et  magna  fructuum  ubertas, 
pomorum  vero  species  delectabilis  et  sapor  optimus..  hanc  rex 
supradictus  exposcebat,  volens  ad  quoddam  suum  earn  '"transferre 
hortum"".  reluctante  isto  et  quod  sola  ea  sustentaretur  opponente, 
quia  dominus  erat  evicit  et  arborem  asportavit.  verum  radices 
penitus  avelli  non  potuerunt ;  ex  quibus  puUulantes  virgulae  con- 
festim  in  arbores  magnas  excreverunt.  post  parvum  denique  sub 
eo  visu  intervallum  memoratus  rex  de  arboris  ipsius  nimia  fructi- 
ficatione  coram  illo  gaudebat,  et  ille  se  ex  ea  laetissimas  habere 
propagines  aggaudendo  respondebat.  invitabatur  a  rege  ut  ipsum 
arboris  translatae  incrementum  iret  videre,  sed  parantem  pro- 
ficisci  nescio  quae  alia  impediebant.  haec  autem  omnia  sicut  visio 
digessit  rerum  eventus  explicuit,  ""praeterquam  quod"^^  revera  ivit 
et  quod  audierat  vidit. 

Virgultum  abbatis  erat  Beccensis  ecclesia,  cujus  arbor  maxima, 
ille  doctor,  non  solum  eam  verum  alias  omnes  per  patriam  suo 
exemplo  et  doctrina  sustentabat  ecclesias.  qui  ob  religionis  sacrae 
institutionem  tradendam  Anglis  a  praedicto  rege  ad  transmarina 
migrare  per  abbatem  suum,  cui  tanquam  deo  ipsi  parebat, 
postulatus,  multum  invitus  salva  obedientia  atque  ab  invito 
abbate  jussus  paruit.  cujus  quantus  inibi  postea  extiterit 
fructus,  latissime  attestatur  innovatus  usquequaque  institutionis 
ecclesiasticae  status ;  coenobialis  ordo,  qui  omnino  ad  laicalem 
prolapsus  fuerat  dissolutionem,  ad  probatissimorum  reformatur 
disciplinam  monasteriorum ;  clerici  sub  canonicali  coercentur 
regula ;  populus,  rituum  barbarorum  interdicta  vanitate,  ad  rectam 
credendi  atque  vivendi  formam  eruditur. 

Hanc  fructuum  deo  suavissimorum  fragrantiam,  cujus  ex  odore 
domus  dei  per  orbem  impleta  est,  quam  et  ipse  abbas  absens 
jocundissime  senserat,  postea  praesens  quanto  vicinius  tanto 
jocundius  sensit,  profectus  ad  eum  in  Angliam.  quo  in  itinere 
evidentibus  miraculorum  signis  multa  circa  ilium  gratia  divina 
innotuit.  cum  enim  Boloniam  venisset,  volens  egredi  ad  portum 
qui  plus  sex  leugis  ab  urbe  non  distat,  tentavit  qui  cum  eo  ibat 


'  virgultum  transferre  ed. 


prcaeter  quia  (quia  super  ras.) 


Life  of  Herluin 


101 


comitatus,  comitissa  quoque  comitis  Eustachii  conjunx,  femina 
deo  amabilis,  persuadere  plurimum  sategit,  ut  in  urbe  remaneret, 
quoniam  in  portu  navis  nulla  erat,  et  ventus,  qui  de  transmarinis 
eas  referret,  jam  per  quadraginta  fere  dies  nuUus  omnino  extiterat. 
at  ille  certissima  in  deo  spe  ait :  Ibimus  ad  navalia,  naves  sine 
mora  habituri ;  fratres  qui  domi  remanserunt  oraturi  pro  nobis 
sine  cunctatione  eas  nobis  praesto  habebunt.  dixit,  et  ventus 
statim  convertitur.  itur  sub  omni  acceleratione  ad  portum,  quo 
tamen  prius  sedecim  naves  appulit  ventus  quam  pervenissent. 
noctis  erat  tunc  priraordium,  cujus  ante  medium  rursus  aspirante 
vento  qui  transferret,  circa  aurorae  exortum  puppes  omnes  in 
fluctus  retrahuntur.  ingressurus  navim,  aliis  ad  alia  quae  tarn 
tumultuosae  rei  conveniunt  intentis,  abbas  cum  monachis  baud 
A  strange  procul  letaniam  dicebat.  repente  juxta  quidam,  nescitur  unde, 
shipmate.      astitit  homo  grandaevae  aetatis  et  modestissimae  alacritatis. 

frater  qui  letaniam  pronunciabat  ilium  vidit,  et  ab  universis 
putabat  conspici,  aestimans  pauperem  esse  qui  praestolaretur, 
ut  finitis  letaniis  postularet  aliquid  sibi  dari.  verum  intrantibus 
eis  vidit  eundem  jam  in  navi  loco  eminenti  consedisse.  suspicatus 
igitur  magni  alicujus  meriti  ilium  existere,  qui  pauper  habebat 
se  tam  imperiose,  assidens  prope  circa  ilium  attentius  manebat. 
navis  cum  in  altum  mare  evecta  fuisset,  territi  sunt  nautae  qui- 
busdam  monstris  quae  in  salo  videbant.  hac  tumultuatione 
prospectantibus  aliis  ille  gravi  quadam  dignitate  subridens  metum 
eorum  reprehendebat,  tunc  primo,  ut  aiebant,  visus  ab  eis. 
exigentibus  confestim  nauticis,  quis  foret,  quis  induxisset,  vel 
quo  pretio  navem  locaret,  eo  auctoritate  multa  se  habente  et  nil 
omnino  respondente,  dixit  frater  qui  jam  diu  eum  viderat :  Ex  quo 
letaniam  diximus  in  portu  nobiscum  manet,  et  ut  credo  plus  eo 
navigium  quam  ipse  navi  indiget.  coeperunt  ergo  mirari,  et 
mirando  ilium  omnes  contueri.  viderat  abbas  quondam  cui  valde 
conformis  erat,  et  quaesivit  nominatim  an  is  esset.  ille  paululum 
vultu  exhilarato  hoc  solum  respondit,  Non  sum.  hoc  unum  in  tota 
ea  navigatione  protulit  verbum.  navi  prosperrimo  cursu  apud 
Dofifrensem^  portum  appulsa,  per  comitatus  hominum  qui  in 
navibus  erant  multum  requisitus  ille  comes  navigii  nusquam 
reperiri  vel  qui  eum  exiisse  vidisset  potuit.  dein  omnium  rerum 
cum  incolumitate  quinto  die  ad  archiepiscopum  abbas  pervenit. 
He  visits  Quae  tunc  inter  eos  submittendi  sese  ad  invicem  pia  contentio  ? 

Lan  franc : 

'  Dorobernensem. 


102 


Gilhert  Crispin 


who  receives  summus  antistes  et  in  ecclesiis  transmarinis  vices  apostolicas 
deepest*^  gerens  snbmittebat  se  suo  quondam  abbati,  ut  alius  quivis 
humility.  monachus ;  secundus  ab  eo  ubique  nisi  ad  missarum  sollemnia 
residendo,  et  nianum  illius  cum  ab  eo  aliquid  accipiebat,  nisi 
raptim  ille  avertisset  manum,  osculando.  illi  sedes  eniinentior 
ac  imperandi  jus  omne  tribuebatur.  donabat  famulorum  delin- 
quentiuin  reatus,  ac  caetera  in  domo  quae  libebat.  domini  nomen 
alius,  sed  ille  auctoritatem  gerebat.  quanto  curia  sua  frequentior, 
quanto  utriusque  ordinis  personarum  totius  regni  excellentium 
conventvxs  fiebat  numerosior,  tanto  niajori  obsequio  coram  omnibus 
ilium  archiepiscopus  praeferebat.  nnxltum  mirabantur  universi, 
maxime  Angli,  archiepiscopum  Cantuariensem  sic  submitti  ulli 
mortalium.  sumant  itaque  oboediendi  formam,  qui  subditi  con- 
tumaces  existunt  praepositis,  cum  vir  tantus  in  ipsa  tot  gentibus 
praelatione  humilitatis  adhuc  spontaneus  sustineat  jugum  atque 
oboedientiae. 

The  honours  Abbas  vero  quam  debebat  dignitati  tantae  submissionem 
ofthe  humble.  pQj^g^l^^^^ J,  exsolvere,  sed  nullatenus  permittebatur.  eece  quid 
in  hac  etiam  vita  servientibus  sibi  opulentissima  dei  manus 
retribuit.  qui  pauperiem  Christi  assumens  ab  universis  olim 
contemptui  habebatur,  habet  nunc  qui  morem  sibi  gerebat 
primatem  totius  regni  Angliae  cum  omnibus  sibi  commissis 
pontificem.  eam  benignitatis  dei  vicem  et  ille  acceperat,  qui, 
abnegans  semetipsum  sibi  cui  olim  pro  deo  sui  tradiderat  liber- 
tatem,  videt  ecclesiastici  juris  censura  nunc  ad  vestigia  sua 
provolvi,  ut  omittam  consulares  multos,  immo  maxime  totum  sibi 
acclive  regnum. 

His  prosper-  Praedicto  abbati  rursus  mirabili  rerum  successu  ad  votum 
ous  return.  ovinia  cesserunt,  mox  ut  redire  disposuit.  nam  die  qua  voluit, 
circa  sextam  diei  horam  venientibus  quos  ad  mare  archiepiscopus 
praemiserat  ac  renuntiantibus  ventum  omnino  esse  contrarium  et 
pelagus  infestum,  assueta  in  deo  ille  confidentia  discessit  ad  mare 
obluctantibus  universis  et  nocte  jam  ingruente ;  quo  multa  parte 
noctis  exacta  perveniens,  ventum  quem  volebat,  et  qui  commodior 
erat  ad  transferendum,  eadem  hora  praesto  habuit.  interim 
somnum  capiens,  dum  naves  ad  mare  impelluntur,  prime  lucis 
sub  exortu  navem  ingressus  tam  ipse  quam  omnes  sui  confestim 
transvecti  sunt  prosperrimo  omni  navigii  eventu.  non  amplifi- 
camus  rem  gestam,  sed  simplici  narratione  scribentes  relinquimus 
eam  aliis  considerandam  dignaque  amplificatione  attollendam. 


Life  of  Herluin 


103 


The  notable        De  arboris  illius  magnae  radicibus  quae  in  horto  suo  remanse- 

fruitsofBec:  ^j.         somnium  viderat,  vidit  postea  praedicandus  vir 

pullulantes  quasdam  virgulas  in  arbores  magnas  excrevisse,  multos 
videlicet  ad  magna  bonoriun  operum  incrementa  per  illius  in- 
stitutionem  aceessisse :  illius  etenim  sementis  existit  quicquid 
unquam  boni  fi-uctus  in  Beccensi  coenobio  vel  ab  eo  extiterit. 

Anselm,  arbor  fi-uctibus  opima  fuit  venerabilis  Anselmus  ecclesiae  Au- 
gustensis  clericus,  qui  ilium  doctorem  maximum  ad  ordinem 
monachorum  subsecutus  ad  prioratum  quoque  ejusdem  coenobii 
Beccensis  post  eum  accessit,  et  defuncto  beatae  memoriae  supra- 
dicto  Herluino  abbati  successit ;  quique  postea  successit  in 
episcopatum  venerandae  recordationis  saepedicto  Lanfranco  Can- 
tuariensi  archiepiscopo :  vir  ingenio  admirabilis,  facundia  non 
impari,  et  quod  ad  humanum  spectat  indicium  morum  omnium 
probitate  insignis.  quod  de  approbanda  actuum  ejus  honestate 
dicimus,  vicinitas  universa  testatur,  longe  lateque  Normarmia 

William,  attestatur,  et  Gallia  amplissime  contestatur.  arbor  fructuum 
jocunditate  plurimum  acceptabilis  fuit  ecclesiae  Cormeliensis 
abbas  Willelmus,  apprime  nutritus  et  eruditus.    arbor  alta  atque 

Henry,  fructuosa  extitit  Henricus  Cantuariensis  ecclesiae  decanus,  qui 
postmodum  abbas  fuit  de  Bello,  vir  ecclesiasticis  omnibus  disci- 
plinis  optime  instructus.     arbores  bonorum  operum  fertilitate 

Hernost,       multum  gravidae  in  domo  domini  extiterunt  venerabilis  Hernostus 

and  Gundulf.  ecclesiae  Rofensis  episcopus,  et  qui  ei  ad  idem  officium  ibidem 
successit,  vir  morum  sanctitate  admodum  reverendus,  Gundulfus 
episcopus.  hos  ecclesiae  suae  filios  vidit  gi-andaevus  pater  aliis 
ecclesiis  patres  constitutos.    hi  sunt  filii  de  quibus  in  psalmo 

Ps.  cxxviii  4.  dicitur,  Filii  tui  sicut  novellae  olivarum ;  qui  ab  inferioribus 
extenuati,  ad  superiora  roborati,  caritatis  dei  adipe  et  pinguedine 
repleti  aliorum  animas  verbis  ac  bonis  exemplis  reficiendo  roborant, 
roborando  sustentant,  sustentando  ad  summa  virtutum  incrementa 
educunt.  multam  quoque  educaverat  sobolem  spe  certissima 
posteritatis  spiritualiter  in  domino  jam  juvenescentem  ;  nobilissi- 
morum  etenim  atque  optimorum  tam  clericorum  quam  laicorum 
ex  multis  partibus  orbis  illic  adunatus  numerus  ad  centenariam 
pertingebat  summam.  vidit  filios  filiorum,  ex  sancto  videlicet 
Cadomensi  coenobio  fratres  ad  idem  opus  assumptos,  in  extremis 
nationibus  multos  gignere  in  domino. 

Herluin  grows  Corporeae  eum  vires  jam  deserebant,  quas  per  tot  annos 
laboris  vehementia,  vigiliarum  et  inediae  continuatio  plurimum 


104 


GUhert  Crispin 


sight^^*'^       attriverat.     visus   maxime   destituebatur   officio,   et   ab  horis 

vespertinis  indigebat  ducamine.    quamobrem  non  in  dormitorio 

cum  fratribus,  neque  ad  psallendum  chore  interesse  jam  valebat ; 

relax  llis"°*    sed  taineii  ad  nocturnale  officium  primus  surgebat,  nec  ulla  diurni 

strictness  of   laboris  defatigatio  in  lecto  ilium  post  alios  retinebat.   cibi  ac  potus 

parcimonia,  quae  in  juventute,  eadem  servabatur  in  senectute ; 

praeter  quod  ab  omni  fratrum  conventu  coactus,  exceptis  legalium 

jejuniorum  diebus,  bis  comedebat  in  die :  quod  quidem  ipsum  non 

tam  refocillandi  lassi  corporis  cura  concesserat,  quam  ut  escam 

sumens  eis  sumentibus,  quibus  ad  opus  praesidebat,  insistere 

posset,    operi  usque  in  vesperam,  ac  persaepe  etiam  usque  in 

noctem  consistebat.    otium  aut  voluptas  nullum  in  eo  sibi  locum 

sortita  est.    non  aetas  eum  annorum  numerum  jam  excedens  de 

Ps.  xc  10.      quo  dicitur  in  psalmo,  Et  amplius  eorum  labor  et  dolor,  non 

vehemens  qua  multum  saepe  in  internis  angebatur  infirmitas 

ilium  ab  actionibus  necessariis  retinebat.    paterno  affectu  omni 

modo  circa  monachos  suos  intentus,  districta  eos  disciplina  regebat 

m?gligence  °'      affectuosissimo  amore  diligebat.    si  quem  inter  fratres  segnem, 

and  of  si  quem  sui  ordinis  ac  studii  litterarum  negligentem,  si  quem 

Ignorance.  ecclesia  somnolentum  deprehendebat,  hunc  omnino  invisum 

habebat.    semper  inquibat,  Homo  litterarum  et  mandatorum  dei 

nescius  quid  praestat  ?    quem  considerabat  vigilantiorem,  stu- 

diosiorem,  ad  virtutum  exercitia  promptiorem,  hujus  non  abbas 

sed  servus  exstabat,  plerosque  plus  ad  studium  incitabat  illius 

favor  quam  scientiae  ipsius  amor,    sedulus  enim  perquirebat  quis 

omnium  eorum  qui  erudiebantur  acutioris  ingenii  esset,  quis 

tenacioris  memoriae  existeret,  quis  vehementius  instare  cuivis 

studio  valeret,  denique  ex  omnibus  quis  ad  singulas  virtutes  et 

amorem  dei  plus  intenderet :  nec  minus  quam  in  se  amabat  et 

enutrire  satagebat  quidquid  amandum  videbat  in  singulis,  litte- 

ratus  aliquis  volens  monachus  fieri,  quando  ad  ilium  veniebat, 

qua  exultatione  suscipiebatur,  quae  suscepto  benignitas  et  veneratio 

exhibebatur.    laicos  qua  instantia  ut  ad  discendum  psalmos  in- 

tenderent  agebat,  quibus  modis  ut  quod  inchoaverant  amando 

tenerent  instabat.    omnibus  omnia  se  conformans  omnes  ut  filios 

et  illi  ut  patrem  eum  amabant. 

He  desires  Nova  necdum  sacrata  erat  ecclesia,  quam  ab  ipso,  cuius  eam 

that  Lanfraiic         ...  .  .  .  ' 

may  conse-     Consilium  inchoavit  et  auxilium  consummavit,  expectabat  con- 
church*^*^       secrari,  instanter  hoc  a  deo  exposcens :  cujus  petitioni,  qui  ad 
caetera  sibi  benignus  exstiterat,  optatum  deus  concessit  effectum, 


Life  of  Herhnn 


105 


adimplens  per  omnia  super  hac  re  illius  aflfectum.  multo  enim 
ampliori  quam  praesuiuere  ])oterat  honorificentia  consecrata  est, 
et  a  quo  exoptabat.  nam  pro  quibusdam  negotiis  tarn  saecu- 
laribus  quam  ecclesiasticis  saepe  supramemoratus  gentium 
transmarinarum  apostolicus  ad  curiam  venit  eminentissimi  regis 
Anglorum  Willelmi  in  sua  terra  Normannorum  tunc  commo- 
rantis. 

Lanfranc  Sed  primo  veniens  ad  ipsum  monasterium  qua  non  potuit 

comestoBec:  j^^gj^j.-  hmj^iiJtate  cum  fratribus  se  habuit,  juxta  quod  scriptum 
Ecclus.  iii  20.  est :  Quanto  magnus  es,  humilia  te  in  omnibus,  ad  abbatis  jam 
senio  incurvati  osculum  accedens,  tantae  eminentiae  archiepiscopus 
ad  pedes  ejus  advolvi  conatur;  verum  illo  e  contra  id  ipsum 
conante,  longo  uterque  luctamine  dum  alteram  sustentat,  neuter 
explevit  quod  satagebat.  post  midtuni^  diuque  optatos  amplexus 
cum  fratribus  in  claustro  sedit  archiepiscopus  ut  quivis  alius 
ipsorum ;  senes,  juvenes  ac  infantes,  unumquemque  compellans 
his  kindly  singulatim  et  debita  confortatione  adhortans.  ad  mensam  dex- 
fHiuihanty,  t^j-gj-gnj^  et  sinistrorsum  fratres  cum  archiepiscopo  sedere,  ac 
communi  calice  et  scutella  una  cum  eo  coguntur  cibum  sumere. 
pontificali  amota  celsitudine  ipsis  etiam  puerulis  affandum  se 
exhibebat,  benignitatis  exhibitione  ad  amorem  dei  aetatem 
invitans,  quae  sermonis  sui  capere  nequibat  altitudinem.  quem 
enim  summi  in  saeculo  viri  admodum  verebantur,  nec  solum  a 
consessu  verum  ab  accessu  procul  arcebantur,  illis  ob  sacrae 
professionis  habitum  communis  habebatur.  neque  sola  aedifi- 
cationum  -  solatia  fratribus  impendit ;  quia,  exceptis  quae  pretiosa 
and  generous  multum  ecclesiae  concessit  omamenta,  tanto  hospite  digna  hospi- 
tium  locavit  munificentia,  ut^  ex  reliquiis  festive  geminari 
potuerint*  octavae. 

He  obtains  Compellatus  ab  universis  de  consecratione  ejusdem  ecclesiae, 
leave^tcf^  paratus  eorum  morem  gerere  voluntati,  ad  curiam  inducias  re- 
consecrate, spondendi  postulavit  ab  eis  et  accepit.  tantam  quippe  rem 
noverat  pendere  ab  edicto  regis  et  consilio.  dein  affectuosissimis 
fratrum  omnium  votis  et  lacrimis  commendatus  ad  regem  pervenit. 
locutus  cum  eo  unde  rogatus  discesserat  diem  dedicationis  accepit, 
et  confestim  nuntium  remisit  non  modo  qui  diceret,  verum  et 
unde  fieret. 

Preparations.       Dies  ergo  a  multis  per  multos  annos  multum  exoptatus  longe 

1  multos  ed.  -  aedificatione  ed.  ^  om.  ut.  ■*  potuerunt. 


106 


Gilbert  Crisjmi 


Ps.  cxiii  7. 


23  Oct.  1077. 


A  great 
assemblage. 


Scenes  of 
enthusiasm. 


lateque  insinuatur.  ex  longinquis  regionibus  viri  consulares, 
ecclesiasticorum  graduum  summae  personae,  hominum  genus 
infinitum  adventurum  praenuntiatur,  libentissime  accipitur.  con- 
geruntur  maxinii  sumptus  ad  suscipiendum  omne  genus  hominum  ; 
ubi  adimpletur,  Pluviani  voluntariam  segregabit  deus  hereditati 
suae,  nil  ab  aliquo  exactum,  nil  expetitum ;  se  ipso  sufficiens 
quod  coeperat  perfecit  deus,  qui  de  stercore  erigit  ac  in  sublimi 
ponere  pauperem  consuevit;  solo  suae  manus  gestamine,  cujus  in 
consummatione  hujus  operis  sui  manus  adeo  larga  exstitit.  quod 
res  sumptuosissime  acta  universis  ad  votum  et  sufficientiam 
fuit,  nec  ullam  in  posterum  contraxit  indigentiam.  ad  tantum 
solemnitatis  tantae  gaudium  languor,  qui  per  octo  ante  dies 
vehementissimus  tenuerat,  mortis  imminentis  metu  ipsum  mona- 
sterii  patrem  deesse  minitabatur.  porro,  ne  quod  moeroris 
nubilum  diei  illius  lucem  offunderet,  deo  miserante  ad  diem 
plenissime  convaluit. 

Igitur  decimo  kalendas  novembris,  anno  ab  incarnatione  domini 
millesimo  septuagesimo  septimo,  sanctae  omni  ecclesiae  reverendus 
gentium  transmarinarum  sumnius  pontifex  Lanfrancus  advenit 
consecrando  consummaturus  ecclesiam,  quam  inspirante  deo 
inchoavit,  et  in  cujus  extruendis  fundamentis  lapidem  secundum 
ipse  manu  sua  imposuit.  convenerunt  universi  Normanniae 
episcopi,  abbates,  et  alii  quique  viri  religiosi;  atfuerunt  proceres 
regni ;  rex  aliis  detentus  negotiis  adesse  non  potuit.  x'egina 
Mathildis  libens  affuisset,  nisi  regiis  detenta  occupationibus 
fuisset;  afFuit  tamen  per  condecentem  beneficientiae  suae  largi- 
tionem.  noluit  rex  supernus  operi  gratiae  suae  regem  terrenum 
supremam  manum  imponere,  sibi  totum  reservans  operis  con- 
summati  gaudium,  quod  infra  sedecim  annos  solis  pauperum 
expensis  complevit  monasterium  cum  omnibus  officinis,  opus 
pulchrum  et  maximum.  afFuerunt  et  regni  Franciae  clarissimi 
consules,  et  ex  aliis  ejusdem  regni  primatibus  complures ;  clerici, 
monachi  ex  universis  adjacentibus  provinciis.  confluxit  innumerum 
genus  hominum.  agitur  dedicatio  laetissima  solemnitate  et 
solemnissima  omnium  alacritate,  alacritati  hominum  aer  ipse 
purissimus  diesque  lucidissimus  arridebat.  prae  tumultu  circum- 
euntium  populorum  vix  exaudiuntur  chori  canentium.  in  tanta 
compilatione  nuUus  laesionis  alicujus  sensit  molestiam,  nulla  in 
agendis  turbatio  obvenit.  peracta  processione  vix  pontificibus 
intrare   licet  sine  coUisione.     irrupit  sequens  populus  avulsis 


Life  of  Herhiin 


107 


omnibus  januis,  universis  tamen  illaesis,  quantum  ecclesiae^  spa- 
tiositas  jwtnit   adstriiigere.     distribuuntur  altaria  consecranda 
pontificibus,  ipsum  principale  sacrandum  archiepiscopo  reinansit. 
fit  per  totam  ecclesiam  summa  celebritas,  et  in  agenda  celebritate 
pia  quaedam  contentiositas.    vix  semet  ipsum  quisque  cantantiiim 
exaudit  prae  multitudine  vociferantium.    multi  jubilantes  quid 
dicebatur  nescientes,  aut  quibus  concinerent  minime  attendebant. 
Tlie  older      gi'aves  ejusdem  monasterii  personae,  quae  propter  nimiam  aliorum 
aowded  mit.  multitudineni  paucae  aderant,  solis  lacrimis  et  devotione  cordis 
solemnitatem  explebant.     personabat  in  aliis  vox  laetitiae  et 
jocundationis,  in  illis  modulabatur  domino  cum  lacrimis  sola  sibi 
Tlie  service  is  soli^  tota  intenta  affectio  mentis,    quid  plura  ?    finitur  majori 
fea'st^^^ "  quam  coepta  fuerat  jocunditate  solemnitas :  itur  ad  refectionem. 

paschales  nulli  defuerunt  epulae,  a  mane  usque  ad  profundam 
noctem  succedentibus  fratrum  turmis  qui  ad  festum  venerant, 
quantum  refectorii  tabulae  continere  valebant,    universis  tam 
notis  quam  ignotis,  nec  solum  in  domibus  circumpositis,  verum 
in  villis  etiam  remotis,  quae  ad  usus  necessarios  petierunt,  sponsata 
deo  regi  ecclesia  libens  ministravit  affluentia  nuptiali :  majoribus 
quibusque  sic  ad  placitum  et  sufficientissime,  ut  qui  accipiebant 
dicerent  modum  excessisse :  neque  solum  ea  die,  sed  multis  per 
The  aged       aliquot  ante  dies  dum  operiebantur,  ita  servitum  est.  venerabilis 
Uiankfalness.  abbas  requirens  a  ministris,  qui  ibant  ac  redibant  nec  momento 
uno  loco  stare  poterant,  quid  agerent,  quid  dicerent,  an  sumptus 
adhuc  deficerent,  cum  potius  abundare  audiebat  ab  eis,  quoties 
Ps.  cxvi  12.    ilia  die  dixit.  Quid  retribuam  domino  pro  omnibus  quae  retribuit 
mihi  ?  et  dicendo  ista  solas  retribuebat  domino  laeriraas  agentes 
gratias  pro  concessis  sibi  tot  beneficiis.    ac  merito,  quia,  exclusa 
omni  penuria,  omni  a  deo  sumministrata  serviebatur  sufficientia. 
Lanfranc's  Tertio  die  saeculis  memorandus  jam  saepe  dictus  Cantuariorum 

departuie,      archiepiscopus  ab  universis  fratribus  eundi  missionem  poposcit. 

quis  tantum  tantae  inter  eos  benignitatis  virum  recedentem  siccis 
oculis  aspicere  potuit  ?  omnes  eruperunt  in  lacrimas ;  parvuli 
non  valebant  consolari.  consulto  maturavit  recessum,  quatenus 
a  fletu  se  continerent  vel  post  ejus  discessum.  abbas  Herluinus, 
eum  supra  omnes  mortales  amans  et  ab  eo  amatus,  discedentera 
per  duo  miliaria  prosecutus  est  amicum  ad  suos  visus  nunquam 
in  hac  vita  ulterius  rediturum.    quae  cordis  amaritudo,  qui  fletus, 

'  om.  ecclesiae.  -  sibi  soli]  solis. 


108 


Gilbert  Crispm 


quamvis  comprimerentur,  in  ipso  ultimo  Vale  et  ultimo  ab  invicem 
and  the  ^      discessu.    postquam  reversus  est,  sedens  in  camera  solus  cum  solo, 
dimial/.  '""^         si^i  6^  omnibus  er<at  familiarissimus,  concitatis  permittens 
lacrimis  habenas  ad  caelum  manus  levavit,  et  his  verbis  ait :  Nunc 
Lc.  ii  29  f.     dimittis,  domine,  servum  tuum  in  pace,  quia  viderunt  oculi  mei, 
quod   ut  viderem  antequam  morerer  summopere  optabam  et 
indesinenter  a  te  orabam.    adimplesti  quae  volui.    nunc  servus 
tuus  laetus  ad  te  ibit  quacumque  hora  tibi  placuerit.    sic  verba 
compressit,  sed  lacrimarum  affluentiam  cohibere  non  potuit,  donee 
frater  qui  cum  eo  loquebatur  diutius  nequiens  sustinere  aliunde 
sermonem  induxit. 

His  mortal  Ex  tunc  omni  membrorvim  officio  destitui  penitus  coepit,  et 

Aug^icns!^  longe  ante  diei  ipsius  annuam  revolutionem  quod  oraverat  obtinuit. 
(ley.  quarto)  nam  proxime  subsecuto  mense  Augusto,  decimo  Hertio*  kalendas 
Septembris,  die  dominico,  ex  toto  lecto  decubuit.  sensit  pater 
longaevus  certis  indiciis  jam  adesse  mortem,  quod  ubi  amantissi- 
mae  congregationi  innotuit,  mors  quaedam  universes  pervasit. 
anguor  et  ex  anguore  quidam  stupor  animos  cunctorum  obsedit. 
cibus  percipi  non  poterat :  somnus  recessit  ab  oculis.  tertio  die  ab- 
solvi  se  et  caetera  quae  morientibus  exhibentur  officia  sibi  exhiberi 
rogavit.  adsunt  filii  valefacturi  amatissimo  patri  eo  primo  orbandi ; 
lacrimis  et  singultibus  psalmos  et  caeteras  orationes  interrum- 
pentibus,  tandem  ventum  ad  agendam  confessionem.  confiteri 
coepit,  verum  remanentium  pietate  filiorum  superatus  et  ipse  in 
lacrimas  eflfusus  dicere  nil  potuit.  vix  tamen  eluctatus  in  vocem 
absolvit  filios,  dansque  benedictionem  et  pacem  omnibus,  tam 
absentes  quam  praesentes  immortali  eos  patri  omnes  commendavit, 
ac  discedentes,  quia  plus  non  poterat,  ut  pro  se  orarent  postulavit. 
dolor  et  lacrimae  orationes  fiebant,  quoniam  vix  ab  eis  psalmus 
continuari  valebat.  dum  quisque  in  alterum  respiciebat,  quasi 
jam  cerneret  fratrem  patre  orbatum,  erumpebat  in  lacrimas. 
coram  illo  plangere  nequaquam  audebant,  quia  spe  bona  laeta- 
bundus  non  lacrimantes  sed  laetantes  eos  omnes  videre  volebat. 
si  cujus  in  lacrimas  concitati  singultum  sentiebat,  confestim  solita 
gravitate  compescebat.  profunda  jam  noctis  parte  transacta,  quae 
in  sabbatum  illucescebat,  cujus  ad  vesperum  obiit,  reverendissimus 
vir  ejusdem  ecclesiae  prior  Anselmus,  de  proximo  illius  fine  non 
tam  suspectus  quam  certus,  collocavit  se  longiuscule  ab  eo,  et 
clanculo,  nolens  ut  ille  agnosceret,  quia  moleste  ferebat  aliquem 
circa  se.   verum  mox  ut  primum  ad  matutinas  sonuit  signum,  ilico 


Life  of  Herluin 


109 


excitavit  domnum  abbatem  Rogerium,  qui  secus  caput  ejus  ac- 
cumbebat,  et  ait :  Excitate  priorein,  ut  dicat  nobiscura  matutinas. 
plurimum  miratus  est  ille  quomodo  id  agnovisset,  quia  nec  coram 
60  venerat,  nec  aliquis  ei  dixerat,  et  post  accubuerat.  summo 
vero  mane  omnes  diei  horas  coram  se  dici  rogavit.  denique  jam 
The  boly  ingruentem  mortis  horam  sentiens  communicari  se  expostulavit, 
Ma  ic  m.  animam  sibi  commendari.    festinato  ivit  abbas  Rogerius,  sed 

nullam  in  eucharistia  hostiam  invenit.  turbati  sunt  fratres 
universi.  mors  instabat,  et  tutamen  salutare  dominici  corporis, 
quod  ille  acciperet,  non  erat.  verum  circa  morientem  minime 
defuit,  quae  circa  viventem  miserationis  divinae  gratia  praesto 
semper  fuit.  forte  tunc  quidam  sacerdos  pro  eo  missam  celebrans 
sumendum  adhuc  in  manibus  tenebat  corpus  dominicum.  ejus 
itaque  oblationis,  quae  pro  commendando  illius  exitu  oblata  deo 
fuerat,  praedictus  abbas  portionem  unam  suscepit,  et  ei  ad 
viaticum  tulit.  commendaturi  exitum  ilico  fratres  omnes  ac- 
currunt,  quorum  lacrimationem  nec  tunc  sustinere  praevalens, 
peracta  ex  more  Christiano  commendatione,  quo  valuit  nutu 
verboque  monuit  ut  in  claustrum  redeant,  tanto  instantius  ei 
subvenientes,  quanto  ad  exitum  propinquare  videbant. 
The  last  Jam  sola  exitus  hora  expectabatur,  ac  pi'ecum  et  lacrimarum 

moments.  armis  communitur.  quotiens  camerae  in  qua  decumbebat  ostium 
aperiebatur,  verens  quisque  ne  jam  migrasse  nuntiaretur,  attonitus 
prosiliebat,  et  quod  verebatur  audire  expectabat.  transegit  diem 
sic  usque  ad  vesperam,  ac  saepe  quasi  aliunde  reversus  dicebat 
abbati  Rogerio,  qui  proximus  astabat :  Quid  faciunt  domini  nostri  ? 
cur  morantur  ?  quid  esse  putatis  ?  cur  non  accedunt  ?  ille  quan- 
quam  de  aliis  eum  crederet  loqui  personis,  respondebat  ac  si 
loqueretur  de  fratribus  monasterii,  Quid,  inquiens,  jubetis?  sunt 
in  claustro,  orant  pro  vobis,  aderunt  mox  ut  voletis.  tacebat,  et 
parvum  post  intervallum  eadem  commotius  iterabat.  laborabat 
ille  addiscere  quorum  moram  causabatur  et  accessum  praestola- 
batur,  verum  nil  plus  ab  eo  audiebat.  vespertina  a  fratribus 
peracta  sinaxi,  cum  diei  ac  diurni  officii  fine,  vitae  humanae 
stadium  felici  cursu  peregit,  nocte  jam  proxima,  quae  in  dominicum 
26  Aug.  1078.  illucescebat,  septimo  kalendas  Septembris. 

The  funeral.  Irruunt  universi,  nec  jam  solum  monachi,  verum  ex  familia 
servientes,  et  qui  ex  villis  confluxerant,  fores  et  claustra  ctfringere 
conati.  quos  abbas  Rogerius,  qui  sancto  viro  in  ultima  aegritudine 
obsequentissimus  fuerat,  prudenti  confortatione  adhortans  detinuit, 


110 


Gilbert  Crispin 


donee  corpus  decentissime   funeratum  solemni  processione  in 
ecclesiam  est  perlatum.     in  communi  igitur  posito  jam  licet 
omnibus  communem  lamentari  desolationem.    quae  vivum  semper 
assequebatur,  in  funere  quoque  ilium  gloria  comitatur.    ad  per- 
solvendum  ultimum  obsequium  fratri,  qui  apud  omnes  maximi 
amoris  atque  reverentiae  ob  eximiam  religionem  fuit,  animo  libenti 
convenerunt  plurimi  abbates  multaeque  personae  venerabiles. 
advenit  et  totum  exequiale  oflficium  celeberrime  egit^  Ebroicensis 
episcopus,  honestae  vitae  magnaeque   litterarum   scientiae  vir 
venerandus  Gislebertus. 
The  abbot's         Factum  est  in  capitulo  illi  monumentum  bonorum  actuum, 
toe'clmpteV"  aeternum  filiis  monumentum.  jure  quo  de  spiritualibus  locuturi 
house.  studiis  conveniunt  illius  praesentatur  memoria,  qui  ex  tyranno 

religiosus,  ex  multum  saeculari  omnino  spiritualis,  loci  illius  atque 
ordinis  primus  exstitit  fundator  et  abbas,  maximos  patre  ama- 
tissimo  orbatorum  filiorum  questus  referre  supersedeo,  ne  dolorem 
legenti  inferam,  neu  lectorem  ref'erendo  moveam  in  lacrimationem. 
illo  decenti  honorificentia  tumulato,  largissimis  expensis  recreantur 
pauperes  qui  ex  tota  vicinitate  confluxerunt.  aetemam  animae 
illius  recreationem  praestet,  si  votis  opus  est,  qui  vivit  et  regnat 
per  omnia  saecula  saeculorum.  amen. 


OVl.  egit. 


GISLEBERTI  ABBATIS  DE  SIMONIACIS 


Gilbert  seeks       DiLlGENDO  patri  et  domino,  sanctae  Cantuariensis  ecclesiae  f. 
juT^ient  as   ^"''"^'^^  pontifici,  Anselmo  frater  Gilbertus  abbas  Westmonasterii : 
to  simoniacal  quae  praeparavit  deus  diligentibus  se. 

persons.  Quia  vobis  multam  deus  concessit  gratiara  in  scripturarum 

sensibus,  precor  ut  audiatis  quid  me  ac  plures  alios  mecum  mo- 
veat  de  simoniacis,  et  quid  super  hoc  tenendum  sit  ecclesiasticis 
He  will  set     assei'tionibus  edoceatis.    utque  minori  taedio  ad  quaesita  respon- 
onVoth Tides  quae  hinc  atque  inde  dicuntur  coram  posita  liberius 

atque  subtilius  discutiatis,  utramque  partem  quaestionis  ad  quern 
potui  finem  vestigando  perduxi,  et  quae  ex  utraque  parte  dici 
possunt  aeque  scripta  posui,  quid  conveniant,  et  unde  contro- 
versia  existat. 

All  agree  that      Id  equidem  apud  omnes  convenit  et  constat  de  simoniacis, 
heresy^- quia  sunt  haeretici.    simoniacos  dicimus  qui  munus  dant  pro 
sacris  ordinibus.    excludo^  munus  a  lingua,  munus  ab  officio, 
et  si  qua  alia  nobis  sunt  occulta  exhibitionum  genera,  vereor 
1  Cor.  iv  5.    comminantem  apostolum  :  Nolite,  inquit,  ante  tempus  judicare 
donee  veniet  dominus,  qui  et  illuminahit  abscondita  tenebrarum  et 
manifestabit  consilia  cordium.     tamen  audiant  nobiscum  quod 
Gal.  vi  7.       idem  ait  apostolus:  Nolite  errare;  deus  non  irndetur.    audiant  et 
Isa.  xxxiii  15.  unde  justum  hominem  propheta  commendat:  Qui  excutit  manus 
suas  ab  omni  munere. 

Sed  haec  omitto.    communi  sensu  accipio  simoniacos,  qui 
datione  auri  et  argenti  fiunt,  verbi  gratia,  episcopi,  et  nisi  id  eis 
emeret  datio  auri  et  argenti  non  fierent  episcopi.    qua,  inquam, 
and  com-       auctoritate  istis  communicamus  ?    sancit  lex  divina,  sanciunt 
heretic"        canones  et  decreta,  ut  cum  haereticis  nullam  prorsus  commu- 
forbidden.      nionem  habeamus.    quod  approbari  opus  non  est :  quia  ita  esse 
nuUi  in  ecclesia  dei  dubium  est.    deus^  in  evangelio  nihil  medium 
Matt,  xii  30.  ponit:  Qui  non  est,  inquit,  mecum,  adversum  me  est.    si  quis  ergo 

'  Incipit  liber  domni  Gisleberti  abbatis  de  Symoniacis  ms.  excluso  ms 

(vide  supra  p.  37  n.).  ^  fors.  domiuus. 


112 


Gilbert  Crispin 


adversariis  dei  commnnicando  dicit  cum  deo  se  esse,  circa  idem 
duo  contraria  statuit  esse,  quod  non  potest  esse,    inde  ait  et 
2  Cor.  vi  15.   apostolus  :  Quae  participatio  fideli  cum  infideli  t    infideles  vero 

dicimus  et  credimus  esse  oinnes  haereticos. 
These  err  At  si  quis  obicit  infideles  dici  eos  tantum  qui  errando  a 

thaT grace      veritate  fidei  animo  pertinaci  contemnunt  redire  ad  veritatem 
comes  gnitis.  fidei,  concedimus.    quia  dicimus   simoniacos   omnino  errare  a 
veritate  fidei,  quia  credunt  id  quod  dei  est  pecunia  emi  posse: 
Matt.  X  8.      cum  Veritas  ipsa  in  evangelio  dicit^:  Gratis,  inquit,  accepistis, 
gratis  date,    unde  et  ipsum  donum  dei,  quia  gratis  accipitur, 
gratis  datur,  gratia  dei  vocatur.    neque  enim  dicimus  eos  tantum 
haereticos  qui  errant  a  veritate  fidei  seu  in  discretione  trinitatis 
seu  in  unitate  deitatis,  sed  etiam  omnes  eos  qui  animo  pertinaci 
nolunt  esse  in  omni  ea  |  unitate  fidei  quam  credit  et  tenet  uni-  f.  lOO. 
versalis  ecclesia  Christi. 
What  is  Quod  itaque  comparatur,  gratis  non  datur:  si  gratis  non  datur, 

not^^rotl"™*^^  gratiae  nomen  jam  ibi  prorsus  evacuatur.    igitur  gratia  dei  non 
and  is  not      emitur :  alioquin  gratia  non  diceretur.    ad  haec :  quae  sua  sunt 
T^he  bishop    episcopus  operatur,  exteriora  videlicet  officiorum  signa,  et  ea  seu 
ou'twarV^^     vendere  seu  gratis  conferre  potest  si  vult.    qui  ergo  ab  episcopis 
signs:  God     ordines  emunt,  id  emunt  quod  episcopi  vendere  possunt:  sola 
grace videlicet  exteriora  officiorum  signa.    donum  et  gratiam  dei,  quae 
sua  non  sunt,  nuUo  modo  episcopi  vendere  possunt.    alioquin  aut 
deus  omnipotens  non  esset,  si  violentia  sibi  ulla  inferretur;  aut 
Justus  non  esset,  si  ab  eo  pravitati  assensio  ulla  praeberetur.  si 
autem  non  credunt  simoniaci  donum  dei  pecunia  posse  emi,  emunt 
tamen,  aut  decipi  deum  posse  putant,  qui  furtiva  comparatione 
donum  ejus  sibi  vindicant,  aut  injuriae  tantae  debitum  ultorem 
and  this  they  esse  deum  non  aestimant,  qui  injusta  pervasione  donum  ejus 
cannot  buy.    j.apimjt,  tenent  atque  usurpant.    quia  vero  nihil  horum  de  deo 
dici  fas  est,  et  gratia  dei  nuUo  modo  pecunia  emitur,  quicquid 
aliud  confertur  infructuose  omnino  exhibetur. 
What  then  is       Quid  ergo  juvat  indulta  ab  illis  peccatorum  remissio  ?  prius^ 
ti^n'^worth?"  ^^^^        dominus  in  evangelio:  Accipite  spiritum  sanctum;  et 
Joh.  XX  22  f.   postea  subintulit :  Quorum  remiseritis  peccata,  remissa  erunt,  et 
quorum  retinueritis,  retenta  erunt.    peccata  ergo  neque  remitters 
neque  retinere  possunt  qui  spiritum  sanctum  prius  non  acceperunt. 
01  their        quid  denique  confert  illorum  benedictio  ?    bencdictionis  gratiam 

benediction  ? 

'  dicat  MS.  "  primus  ms. 


De  Simoniacis 


113 


dare  non  possunt  qui  benedicendi  gratiam  non  acceperunt:  imino 

nialedictionem  pro  benedictione  inducunt. 
0.  T.  proofs :       Ut  de  veteri  testamento  aliqua  supersumamus  exempla,  in 
makeT*'^^*"  lege  scriptum  est:  Quod  tetigeiit  immundus,  immundum  erit.  quod 
unclean. 

Num.  xix  22.  .         ....  ...  ,  .... 

mundus  enim  ent  quisquis  immunditiam  atque  haeresim  alicujiis 

agnoscens  ab  eo  tactus  atque  tractus  ad  sui  communionem  fuerit. 
None  with  a   et  alibi:  Locutus  est  dominus  ad  Moysen  dicens,  Omnis  qui  habuent 
approach"the  ^<^cidam  de  semine  Aaron  sacerdotis,  non  accedet  offerre  hostias 
altar.     .      domino,  nec  panes  deo  suo:  vescetitr  tamen  panibus  qui  offeruntur 
21—23.      '  in  sanctuario,  ita  dumtaxat  ut  intra  velum  non  ingrediatur,  nec 
accedat  ad  altare;  (quia  maculam  habet)  et  contaminare  non  debet 
sanctuarium  meum.    per  quamvis  maculam  peccatum  signatur, 
per  leprae  maculam  haeresis  designatur :  qui  ergo  ab  ipso  altaris, 
immo  veli,  accessu  arcetur,  ab  omni  altaris  officio  omnimodo 
inhibetur.    si  itaque  is  qui  maculam  gerit,  quamvis  existat  de 
semine  Aaron  sacerdotis,  cujus  solam  stirpem  deus  assumpserat 
ad  officium  altaris,  omnimodo  prohibetur  ab  altaris  accessu,  nulla 
prorsus  quaestio  restat  de  eo  qui  leprae  macula  infectus  erit 
I  et  qui  de  semine  Aaron  non  fuerit.    nulla  igitur  simoniacus  f.  lOl. 
ratione  potest  accedere  ad  altare;  quia  si  accedit  non  sacrat  sed 
contaminat  sanctuarium  dei,  utpote  immundus  atque  haeresis,  hoc 
est  leprae,  macula  infectus,  et  a  semine  Aaron  sacerdotis  omnino 
Hebr.  V  4.      alienus:  sumit  enim  ipse  sibi  honorem,  et  non  [et]  vacatur  a  deo 
tanquam  Aaron. 

Authorities :        Beatus  quoque  Ambrosius,  in  libro  de  observatione  episco- 
above"^.  68)^.  porum  inde  disputans,  inter  alia  si  non  eisdem  verbis  eodem 
omnino  sensu  ista  dicit:  Quid  accipit  episcopus  ?  aurum.  aurum, 
inquit,  est  quod  accipit  episcopus,  ponit  in  sacello ;  sed  accipiendo 
Matt,  xvi  26.  pecuniam  perdit  animam  suam :  quid  vero  prodest  homini  si  totum 
jnundum  lucretur,  animae  vero  suae  detrimentum  patiatur?  qui 
autem  dat  pecuniam  pro  ordinibus  episcopo,  quid  sumit  ab 
Leprosy,  not  episcopo  ?    lepram,  inquit,  non  gratiam :  maledictionem,  inquit, 
receh'es^  a  benedictionem.    Item,  Quando  simoniacus  dicit  ad  populum, 

curse,  not  a    Pax  vobis,  quod  habet  dare  potest,  hoc  est  damnationem  quam 

blessing,  he  .  . 

gives.  habet:  benedictionem  et  gratiam  dei  dare  eis  non  potest,  quia  non 

habet.    qui  enim  dat  pecuniam  pro  ordinibus  episcopo,  quia  pro 

Or,  again,      gratia  dei  nihil  dat  deo,  utique  nil  sumit  vel  accipit  a  deo.  utique 

he  receives     ^jg  verbis  beatus  Ambrosius  plane  ostendit  quia  simoniacus  nil 
nought,  gives        ......  '  ^ 

nought.        accipit,  uil  tradit. 


114 


Gilbert  Crispin 


Leo,  Ep. 
clxvii  (ad 
Rusticum) 
inq.  1. 


Innocent,  Ep. 
xvii  (nd 
Riifum)  §§  7, 
12. 


How  then 
does  he  dif 
from  a 
layman  ? 


1  Cor.  iv  7. 


Scriptural 
warnings : 
Korah, 
Num.  xvi  35. 


Uzzah, 

2  Kegg.  vi  3, 

6,  7. 


Leo  papa  in  decretis  suis  inter  alia  sic  ait:  Unde  cum  saepe 
quaestio  de  male  accepto  honore  nascatur,  quis  ambigat  nequa- 
quam  ab  istis  esse  tribuendum,  quod  non  eis  docetur  fuisse 
coUatum  ?  his  quoque  verbis  ostenditur  quia  nihil  confertur 
simoniaco,  nihil  tribuitur  a  simoniaco.  uterque  enim  appellatur 
simoniacus,  et  qui  dat  pecuniam  et  qui  accipit  pecuniam  pro 
sacris  ordinibus. 

Innocentius  papa  haec  ita  dicit:  Adquiescimus  et  verum  est 
certe,  quia  quod  non  habuit  simoniacus  dare  non  potuit  (et  nihil 
in  dante  erat  quod  posset  accipere  qui  emebat)^:  damnationem 
utique  quam  habuit  per  pravam  manus  impositionem  dedit :  et 
qui  particeps  factus  est  damnato  quomodo  debeat  honorem  ac- 
cipere in  venire  non  possum,  ad  summam:  certe  qui  nihil  a  Bonoso 
acceperunt,  rei  sunt  usurpatae  dignitatis,  qui  conficiendorum 
sacramentorum  sibi  vindicaverunt  auctoritatem,  atque  id  se  pu- 
taverunt  esse  quod  nulla  eis  fuerat  regulari  ratione  concessum. 

Id  attestari  et  contestando  astipulari  videntur  quamplurimae 
aliorum  quoque  patrum  in  canonibus  et  in  decretis  sententiae.  si 
igitur  nil  tradit  qui  sacros  ordines  vendit,  nil  accipit  qui  sacros 
ordines  emit,  quid  refert  inter  simoniacum  et  aliquem  sine  or- 
dinibus laicum,  quantum  ad  altaris  officium  ?  nec  ille  nec  iste 
quicquam  habet,  quia  non  accipit.  unde  apostolus  Paulus  ait  : 
Quid  enim  habes  quod  non  accepisti?  ut  ergo  per  partes  |  dicam,  f.  102. 
aut  missa  non  erit  quam  simoniacus  celebrabit,  sacrata  ecclesia 
non  erit  quam  simoniacus  sacrabit,  cum  sacros  ordines  non  habeat 
quia  nihil  ab  ordinante  accepit;  aut  missa  erit  quam  laicus  cele- 
brabit, sacrata  ecclesia  erit  quam  laicus  sacrabit,  qui  item  nuUos 
ordines  habet  quia  non  accepit:  de  similibus  enim  idem  judicium. 

In  libro  Numeri  sic  legitur:  Chore  et  multitude  quae  cum  illo 
erat  temerario  ausu  posuerunt  incensum  et  thymiama  coram 
domino,  et  ignis  egresstis  a  domino  interfecit  ducentos  quinquaginta 
viros  qui  offerebant  incensum  coram  domino,  debitam  igitur  isti 
exceperunt  temeritatis  suae  vindictam,  quia  non  acceperunt 
officium  a  domino  ut  adolerent  incensum  atque  thymiama  coram 
domino,  neque  pro  sacrificio  sacrificium  hoc  habitum  est  a  domino, 
item  in  libro  Regum  legimus  quod  David  et  universus  populus 
Israel  ducebant  archam  dei:  Oza,  inquit,  et  Aio  filii  Aminadab 
minabant  plaustrum  novum,  postquam  autem  venerunt  ad  aream 
N<tchor,  extendit  manum  Oza  ad  archam  dei  et  tenuit  earn,  quoniam 

'  Verba  uiicinis  inclusa  superius  scripserat  Innocentius. 


De  Simoniacis 


115 


calcitraverunt  boves  et  declinaverunt  earn,  iratusque  est  dovdnas 
indignatione  contra  Ozam,  et  percussit  eum  dominus  super  temeri- 
tate ;  qui  vioi-tuus  est  ihi  jvxta  archavi  dei.  nihil  ergo  huic 
contulit  accedere  ad  archam  dei,  qui  mortuus  est  juxta  archam 
dei.  officiurn  eis  impositum  erat  minare^  plaustrum :  jiista 
fortasse  videbatur  occasio  et  vicina  necessitati  ratio ;  calciaverunt 
boves,  inclinaverunt  archam ;  extimuit  Oza  pro  archa  dei,  et 
extendit  manuin  ad  archam  dei:  et  tamen  percussit  eum  dominus 
super  temeritate,  et  mortuus  est  ibi;  quia  officiurn  illi  impositum 
non  erat  extendere  manum  ad  archam  dei.  lignea  erat  archa,  et 
quamvis  sancta  tamen  lignea.  in  archa  erat  manna,  tabulae 
testamenti,  et  virga  Aaron  quae  fronduerat.  et  quantum  distat 
inter  haec  sancta  et  sancta  sanctorum,  corporis  et  sanguinis 
Christi  mysteria.  ilia  idcirco  erant  sancta,  quia  horum  sacrorum 
erant  umbra  et  figura;  haec  ipsius  sanctimoniae  sunt  Veritas  et 
causa,  si  ergo  percussit  dominus  Oza  super  temeritate  sua,  non 
quidem  prorsus  excogitata  atque  deliberata,  sed  ad  tempus 
fortuito^  casu  illata;  qua  poena  percutietur  qui  deliberatione 
continua  fur  et  malitiosus  cotidie  extendit  manum  ad  ilia  terrifica 
sacri  altaris  mysteria  ?  non  obtinuit  ille  pro  temerario  accessu 
gratiam,  sed  debitam  excepit  ultionis  sententiam.  non  obtinebit 
et  iste  pro  temerario  accessu  gratiam,  sed  meritam  excipiet 
temeritatis  suae^  vindictam. 
The  Gentile  In  libro  Machabeorum  primo  legimus,  quod  Judas  Machabeus 
cleansed*  but  populus  qui  cum  eo  erat  mundaverunt^  sancta  quae  prius  ritu 
destroyed.  lege  institute  sanctificata  et  a  gentibus  contaminata  erant:  illud 
43  ff^'^  vero  altare  quod  gentes  construxerant  atque  sanctificaverant  non 

emundaverunt,  |  sed  a  solo  penitus  destruxerunt  et  lapides  ejus  in  f.  103. 
loco  immundo  reposuerunt.  quantum  vero  attinet  ad  rei  istius 
mysterium,  quid  refert  inter  gentilem  et  simoniacum  ?  sacrat 
gentilis  altare  qui  non  accepit  a  deo  id  facere,  atque  idcirco 
peccat,  quia  illud  consecrare  praesumit  et  usurpat.  sacrat  et 
simoniacus  altare,  cui  omnino  fas  non  est  id  facere,  atque  idcirco 
peccat,  quia  illud  sacrilega  praesumptione  et,  ut  ita  dicam,  velit 
nolit  deus,  consecrare  attemptat.  denique  si  verum  est  avari- 
Cf.  Col.  iii  5.  tiam  esse  idolatriam,  sicut  ait  apostolus,  quis  avarus  dicetur 
idolatra,  si  idolatra  non  dicitur  simoniacus,  qui  etiam  dei  boni- 
tatem  pecunia^  venalem  putat  ?     quibusdam   itaque  nostrum 

'  minari  ms.  -  fortitudo  Ms.  '  snam  sis.  ■*  manducaverunt  ms. 

5  pecuniam  ms. 

8—2 


116 


Gilbert  Crispin 


are  invalid, 


videtur  quia  altare  quod  simoniacus  sacrat  nulla  emundari  sancti- 
ficatione  potest,  sed  prorsus  a  solo  destrui  ex  auctoritate  debet, 
quod  de  altari  dicimus,  hoc  ipsum  de  aliis  sacratis  rebus  sentimus. 

Ut  igitur  quaestionis  nostrae  partem  unde  agimus  summatim 
colligamus,  attende  et  paucis.  multis  de  causis,  auctoritatibus 
atque  exemplis  dicimus  quia  simoniacus  nihil  ab  ordinante 
accipit,  nihil  ipse  ordinando  aliquem  illi  tradit.  gratiam  enim 
dei  seu  emi  seu  vendi  non  potest,  ipsa  vero  officiorum  signa 
quae  suscipit,  quia  furatur  et  rapit,  nihil  ei  conferunt  nisi  male- 
Jer.  xlviii  10.  dictionem,  sicut  scriptum  est :  Maledictus  qui  facit  opus  domini 
fraudulenter.  ad  nullum  denique  sacramenti  effectum  ea  ab  eo 
and  worse^^  alii  accipere  possunt :  immo  damnato  fit  particeps  quisquis  ab  eo 
id  scienter  accipere  conatur,  unde  ille  fur  et  damnationis  reus  esse 
notatur.    haec  igitur  ita  se  habent. 


E  contra: 
everywhere 
things  con- 
secrated hy 
such  men  are 
simply  recon- 
ciled ; 

and  persons 
also,  after 
due  penance. 


Canons  of 
Toledo,  etc. 
Bruns  i  313 
(§9). 


This  implies 
that  the 
consecration 
was  real. 


At  vero  ex  alia  parte  per  totum  fere  orbem  terrarum  videmus 
loca  sacra,  sicut  aiunt,  a  simoniacis  sacrata  sic  manere ;  neque, 
cognita  hujus  benedictionis  sacrilega  usurpatione,  more  sueto  ilia 
sacrari,  sed  solummodo  per  debitum  reconciliationis  ordinem  ab 
episcopo  reconciliari.  item  vidimus  a  simoniacis  ordinatos  post 
peractum  paenitentiae  tempus  ecclesiastico  more  non  sacrari,  sed 
solummodo  per  manus  episcopi  impositionem  reconciliari :  et  id 
quorundam  auctoritas  canonum,  sicut  aiunt,  concedit  posse  fieri. 

In  Toletano  concilio  xi°  sic  legitur :  Unde  si  digna  simoniacos 
satisfactio  paenitentiae  tempore  invenerit,  non  tantum  com- 
munioni^,  sed  et  loco  et  totius  ordinis  officiis  a  quibus  separati 
fuerant  restituendi  sunt,  in  pluribus  aliis  canonibus  atque 
decretis  has  permissorias  restitutiones  circa  simoniacos  fieri  posse 
legimus.  quod  vero  restituitur,  in  eo  statu  quem  prius  habuit 
atque  amisit  iterum  statuitur.  habuit  itaque  simoniacus  sacronim 
ordinum  dignitatem,  cui  restitui  potest  per  paenitentiae  satisfac- 
tionem.  si  ergo  haec  ita  fieri  licet  et  |  Veritas  ita  se  habet,  dicimus  f.  104. 
quia  simoniacus  benedicendi  quoque  gratiam  accepit  et  habet, 
quam  aliis  ex  officio  suo  conferre  potest,  si  locus  enim  sacratus 
non  esset,  aliquando  eum  more  debito  sacrari  necesse  esset.  si 
episcopi  ordinem  non  accepisset  episcopus  simoniace  ordinatus, 
aliquando  eum  canonico  ritu  ordinari  oporteret.  at  quia  haec 
non  fiunt,  nec  fieri  necesse  esse  dicunt,  concedi  oportet  quia  haec 
eis  aliquando  exhibita  [haec]  fuerunt.    id  equidem  nos  perturbat. 


communioms  ms. 


De  Simoniacis 


117 


et  inde  controversia  existit,  quia  haec  fieri  posse  ratio  et  auc- 

toritas  contradicit  et  item  fieri  posse  permittit. 
The  parallel        Ad  ea  quae  proposuimus  respondet  fortasse  aliquis  :  Ea,  inquit, 
Hving  bishop,  i^uctoritate  communicare  possumus  simoniacis,  qua  auctoritate  licet 

communicare  raptoribus,  ebriosis  et  non  continentibus  episcopis. 

haec  enim  non  sunt  opera  lucis,  sed  opera  tenebrarum ;  et  quae, 
2  Cor.  vi  14.  sicut  ait  apostolus  Paulas,  societas  luci  ad  tenebras  ?  verum  quam- 
who  must  be  diu  seu  hos  seu  illos  ecclesia  dei  tolerat,  donee  s3niodalis  censura 
deposed*by  60S  canonice  discussos  judicet  ac  deponat,  tolerandi  sunt  ab  sub- 
a  synod.       ditis,  atque  sine  periculo  exhiberi  eis  potest  obedientia  ab  subditis. 

in  his  quae  dei  sunt  obedientia  illis  exhiberi  potest,  assensio  vero 

pravitatis  uUa  eis  adhiberi  non  debet,  quid  enim  nostra  interest 
Cf.  Phil.  1 18.  seu  ex  occasione  seu  ex  veritate  Christus  annuncietur,  dum  populus 

vocem  dei  audiat,  et  quae  agenda  sunt  undecumque  summonitus 

agat  ?  quid  nostra  refert  qua  intentione  episcopus  super  cathe- 
Cf.  Matt.       dram  Moysi  sedeat  ?  audi  commonitionem^  evangelii:  Qi<ae,  inquit, 

dicunt  facite,  quae  autem  faciunt  facere  nolite. 
Cf.  Matth.  Obicis  vero  mihi  illud  ex  evangelio:  Ingressus  in  templum 

■  dominus  cathedras  vendentium  columbas,  et  mensas  nummulari- 

orum  evertit,  et  illos  procul  a  templo  exturbavit.   super  cathedram 

eversam  quis,  inquies,  sedere  potest  ?   qui  in  templo  dei  remanere 

Obj. :  he  has  non  sinitur,  quae,  inquies,  dicit  in  domo  dei  unde  audiatur?  super 

place:  the     cathedram  itaque  Moysi  simoniacus  sedere  non  potest,  quia  eum 

others  have    nullam  cathedram  in  domo  dei  habere  fas  est,  nec  istud  exemplum 
not.  .  .        .  .  .  .  .. 

referri  potest  ad  simoniacum.    ad  illos  referri  debet  qui  legitime 

inthronizati  super  cathedram  Moysi  sedent  in  domo  dei. 
Yet  they  are        Sed,  rogo,  attende.  verum  est,  dicitur,  quia  indubitanter  coram 
however  they' deo  cathedra  simoniaci  evertitur,  et  ipse  a  conspectu  dei  damna- 
got  there.      tione  pei-petua  eliminatur.   si  tamen  violenter  cathedram  obtineat, 
velis  nolis  super  cathedram  Moysi  sedeat,  quamdiu  deus  id  pa- 
tiatur,  quae  dicit  audi  et  fac,  quae  facit  facere  noli,   accipe  testem 
Eccles.  x4.    inde  et  commonitionem  sacrae  scripturae  auctoritatem :  Si  ascen- 
dent spiritus  super  te  potestatem  habens,  non  dimittas  locum  tuum^. 
ascendit  super  te,  quando  tu  illi  non  potes  resistere.    tu  tamen 
non  dimittas  locum  tuum,  etiam  si  ille  super  te  arripit  locum ; 
quamdiu  te  quidem  |  sinit  tenere  locum  tuum.    unde  et  apostolus  f.  105. 
Rom.  xiii  1  f.  Paulus  ait:  Non  est,  inquit,  potestas  nisi  a  dec:  quae  autem  a  deo 

'  commotionem  ms.        ^  Apud  Eccle.t.  legitur  :  si  spiritus  potestatem  habentis 
ascenderit  super  te,  locum  tuum  ne  dimiseris. 


118 


Gilbert  Crispin 


sunt,  (yrdinata  sunt^:  itaqiie  qui  potestati  resistit,  ordinationi  dei 
resistit.    ac  si  diceret:  Jndicem  hnnc  sen  ilium  dens  constituit 
super  te,  et  te  constituit  subditum  illi  esse:  noli  ordinationi  dei 
Eom.  xiii  3.   resistere;   sed  age  quod  alibi  ipse  ait:  Bonum  f<ic,  et  habehis 
laudem  ex  ilia,    cum  enim  de  potestatibus  ordinatis  a  dec  trac- 
taret,  hoc  tandem  in  finem  consilium  dedit :   Vis  non  timere 
potestatem?  bonum  fac,  et  habebis  laudem  ex  ilia,    item:  Tu  quis 
Rom.  xiv  4.    es  qui  judicas  alienum  servum  ?  suo  domino  stat  ant  codit.    ac  si 
Cf.  Rom.  ii  5.  diceret :  Si  ille  quod  male  accepit  usurpando  thesaurizat  sibi  iram 
in  die  irae  justi  judicii  dei,  tu  sub  eo  positus  exercendo  patientiam 
Cf.  Luc.  xxi    in  patientia  tua  possidebis  animam  tuam. 

Dicis  vero  mihi :  Scio  evidenter  quia  simoniacus  est,  quia  a  deo 
The  Lord  did  alienus  est:  quomodo  illi  communicare  audebo?   accipe.  sciebat 
communk)ii    evidenter  et  dominus  quia  Judas  fur  erat,  quia  proditor  erat,  quia 
with  Judas,    et  diabolus  erat:  dominus,  inquam,  qui  Judae  subditus  non  erat, 
immo  magister  et  dominus  Judae  erat:  et  tamen  cum  illo  edebat, 
bibebat,  et  in  nullo  a  communione  sua  eum  amovebat,  donee 
aperte  malitia  illius  detecta  in  semet  judicando  se  ipsum  indignum 
It  need  not    et  exsortem  exivit  a  consortio  aliorum.  de  illis  quidem  qui  faciunt 
sen^!^  et  consentiunt  debitum  jamdudum  controversia  finem  accepit: 

Cf.  Rom.  i  32.  facientes,  inquit,  et  consentientes  pari  vindicta  plectentur.  agimus 
tantummodo  de  illis  quos,  velint  nolint,  necesse  est  esse  sub  illis. 
'What  is  their      Quaeris :  Quid  ju vat  indulta  ab  illis  peccatorum  remissio  ?  nil 
wor°th'?'°"      quidem  obest,  immo  juvat  et  prodest,  si  animo  fideli  quaeritur, 
debito  paenitendi  ordine  expetitur  et  quasi  a  vicario  dei  excipitur. 
Isa.  xliii  26.    in  Ysaia  scriptum  est :  Narra  si  quid  habes,utjustijiceris.  dominus 
Luc.  xvii  14.  vero  dicit  in  evangelio  leprosis:  Ite,  ostendite  vos  sacerdotibus :  et 
dum  irent  mundati  sunt,    quamdiu  ergo  in  ecclesia  dei  sacerdotis 
officium  simoniacus  gerit,  et  id  eum  gerere  sinit,  tu  qui  sub  ipso 
sacerdote  vivis,  vade,  ostende  te  sacerdoti:  narra  si  quid  habes. 
Look  not  to    ut  justificeris:  quia  ab  homine  non  obtinetur  justificatio,  sed  a 

the  minister,    ,  .  ■,       .     ^  ^    ■         ^        ■  ^  •        •  ^ 

but  to  God,  deo.  SI  sacerdos  Justus  est,  juvant  quidem  preces  ejus,  juvant 
as  giver  of     merita  ejus;  sed  gratia  dei  te  justificat.    si  sacerdos  iustus  non 

sacramental  .  .  ,  .         .  . 

grace.  est,  juvat  quidcm  cordis  tui  mansuetudo,  juvat  exhibita  ilh 

propter  deum  debita  summissio;  sed  gratia  dei  te  justificat.  sicut 

Joh.  i  33.  enim  de  baptismo  evangelium  dicit:  Hie  est  qui  baptizat,  deus 
videlicet,  quisquis  baptisrai  minister  existat;  ita  de  orani  sacra- 

1  Cor.  xii  11.  mento  seu  gratiae  dei  dono  apostolus  ait:  Haec,  inquit,  omnia 
operatur  unus  atque  idem  spiritus,  dividens  singulis  prout  vult. 
^  Sic  apud  Aug.  contra  Gaud.  i.  20  (torn,  ix  col.  643  d). 


De  Simoniads 


119 


ac  si  diceret:  Quisquis  sacramentorum  |  executor  sit  in  quolibet  f.  106. 
genere  sacramenti,  seinper  unus  atque  idem  spiritus  operatur 
gratiam  et  virtutem  sacramenti.     non  enim  quicquam  excepit, 
qui  omnia  unum  atque  eundem  spiritum  operari  asserit. 
If  a  man  by         Saepe  quoque  executor  gratiae  dei  id  ad  mortem  suam  ex- 
equitur,  quod  a  deo  per  eum  salus  ad  vitam  confertur.    inter  dona 


black  arts 
restores 


health  not  a       ..  .  .„ 

gift  of  God  ?  stigiosus  aliquis  ahqua  malencu  sui  arte  innrmum  aliquem  sanat, 
numquid  sanitas  ipsa  non  est  sanitas,  aut  sanitas  ipsa  non  est 
donum  dei  sicut  alia  quaelibet  sanitas  ?  et  tamen  unde  iste 
1  Cor.  xiii  3.  salvatur,  ille  damnatur.  Si,  inquit  apostolus,  distrihuero  in  cibos 
If  alms  profit  pauperum  omnes  facultates  meas,  et  si  tradidero  corpus  vieum  ita 
less  giver,  ardeam,  caritatem  autem  non  habeam,  nihil  mihi  prodest  si 

may  not  the   ergo  elemosina  nihil  illi  prodest  a  quo  sine  caritate  confertur, 

receiver  be  .  .         .      ^  o  ■  i 

profited?       numquid  ilh  non  prodest  cui  confertur,  et  benencium  hoc  gratiae 

dei  donum  esse  (non)  dicetur  ? 
The  promise        De  sacramento  corporis  Christi  dominus  dicit  in  evangelio : 
stands  fast     Q^*'  fnanducat  carnem  meam  et  bibit  sanguinem  meum,  in  me 
for  the  worthy  nianet  et  ego  in  eo.    apostolus  vero  dicit  ad  Corinthios :  Qui 
Joh.  vi  56.     manducat  et  bibit  indigne,  judicium  sibi  manducat  et  bibit,  non 
1  Cor.  XI  29.   clijudicans  corpus  domini.    unum  et  idem  ergo  sacramentum  aliis 
est  ad  vitam,  aliis  est  ad  mortem,    qui  manducat  et  bibit  digne, 
vitam  sibi  manducat  et  bibit:  qui  vero  manducat  et  bibit  indigne, 
judicium  sibi  manducat  et  bibit,  non  dijudicans  corpus  domini. 
Eccles.  vii  20.  quia  vero  hominis  est  peccare,  sicut  scriptum  est:  Non  est  homo 
qui  faciat  bonum  et  non  peccet;  dei  vero  est  justificare,  de  quo 
Ps.  ciii  3.      scriptum  est:  Qui  propitiatur  omnibus  iniquitatibus  tuis,  qui  sanat 
The  Spirit     omnes  infirmitatcs  tuas;  spiritus  sanctus  remittit  etiam  per  simo- 
absolves  the    niacos  peccata,  ubi  pura  confessione  peccatum  paenitendo  narratur, 
penitent.       atque  dignus  paenitentiae  fructus  sequitur. 

'  What  is  their  Quaeris:  Quid  confert  illorum  benedictio  ?  si,  inquam,  bene- 
worthT'        dictio  est,  plurimum  confert.    benedictionem   vero  esse  quis 

prohibet  ?  Judas  enim  proditor  cum  caeteris  apostolis  praedi- 
Judaswas  cabat,  miracula  faciebat,  benedictiones  super  populum  dabat. 
and^heal'^^an'd'  "^umquid  propter  malitiam  Judae  sacramentorum  virtus  atque 
bless.  benedictio  irrita  fiebat  ?   qui  verbum  fidei  ab  ore  illius  percipie- 

bat,  credebat,  numquid  salvus  non  fiebat  ?  absit.  dicit  enim 
Rom.  X 11.     scriptura:  Omnis  qui  crediderit  in  eum  non  confundetur.  per 

males  autem  ministros  potens  est  bonitas  dei  benedictionis  et 

gratiae  suae  dona  operari.    Isaac  volens  atque  omnino  credens  se 


120 


Gilbert  Crispin 


Isaac's         benedicere  filium  suum  primogenitum  Esau,  Jacob  alteram  filium 

bJessuig*"'^    suum  benedixit.   quia  ergo  ille  non  volens,  immo  deceptus,  alterum 

was  a  true     benedixit,  iste  patri  veritatem  celando^  furtivam  ab  eo  benedic- 
blessing.  .  .  . 

tionem  surripuit,  numquid  ilia  benedictio  idciico  benedictio  non 

Gen.  xxvii  33.  fuit  ?  fuit  plane:  nam  postea  scriptum  est:  Expavit  Isaac  stupore 

vehementi,  et  ultra  quam  credi  potest  admirans  ait:  Quis  igitur 

ille  est  qui  dudum  captam  venatio\nem  attulit  mihi,  et  comedi  ex  f.  107. 

omnibus  priusquam  tu  venires?  henedixique  ei  et  erit  henedictus. 

quoquo  itaque  modo  ilium  benedixit,  benedictum  ilium  esse 

asserait. 

Former  Exempla  scripturaram  quae  posuisti  debito  sensu  accipimus, 

allowed"with  ^^q^e  per  omnia  tecum  sentimus.    illud  enim  in  lege  scriptum : 
reserves.       Quad  tetigerit  immundus  iinmundum  erit,  eo  sensu  dictum  acci- 
all  is  clean,    pimus  quo  apostolus  Paulus  etiam  abundantius  ait:  Omnia  munda 
Tit.  1 15.       mundis;  coinquinatis  auteni  nihil  munduni,  neque  mens  eorum 
neque  conscientia.    si  ergo  immundus  aliquid  tangit,  siquidem 
immundum  est,  immundum  manet,  et  eo  immundius  jure  com- 
putatur.    si  vero  sacrum  et  mundum  pro  temerario  suo  tactu 
immundum  illi  et  perniciosum  reputatur;  sicut  de  sacramento 
1  Cor.  xi  29.   corporis  Christi  apostolus  testatur :  Qui  manducat  et  libit  indigne, 
judicium  sibi  manducat  et  bibit,  non  dijudicans  corpus  domini. 
sicut  enim  radius  solis  aeque  mundus  per  munda  et  immunda 
loca  transit ;  et  sicut  aeque  commodus  in  se  ipso  semper  manet, 
quando  etiam  lippo  oculo  in  eum  intuenti  noxius  existit:  ita  et 
The  sacra-     sacramentum  corporis  Christi  aeque  mundum  et  sacrum,  immo 
noTloselts     sanctimoniae  causa,  in  se  ipso  semper  subsistit,  sive  vitam  sive 
power.         judicium  sibi  manducat  et  bibit,  qui  ad  illud  percipiendum 
accedit. 

If  he  cannot        Quod  autem  beatus  Ambrosius  dicit:  Quando  simoniacus  dicit 
God*can^^'°^'      populum.  Pax  vobis,  maledictionem  dare  eis  potest  quam  habet, 
through  him;  benedictionem  et  gratiam  dei  dare  eis  non  potest,  quia  non  habet: 
concedimus,  et  per  omnia  viri  tanti  auctoritatem  sequimur.  bene- 
dictionem et  gratiam  dei  ex  merito  suo  dare  non  potest,  quia  non 
habet.    sed  per  eum  dominus  benedictionem  et  gratiam  suam 
dare  eis  potest,  quia  habet,  potens  cuicumque  vult  exhibere 
divitias  bonitatis  suae:  qui  per  malignos  quoque  spiritus  saepe 
gratiae  suae  dona  operatur.    quando  vero  simoniacus  dicit  ad 
if  a  son  of     populum.  Pax  vobis,  non  dicit.  Pax  mea  vobis ;  sed  pacem  dei 
to  receive  i^^  orat  a  deo  eis  concedi^:  et  si  quis  fuerit  inter  eos  filius  pacis, 
'  zelando  ms.  concedit  ms. 


De  Simoniacis 


121 


utique  reqiiiescet  super  eum  pax  dei ;  si  autem  non  fuerit  inter 
eos  filius  pacis,  et  infructuose  dicitur,  hoc  minime  fit  culpa  illius 
a  quo  caritative  oratur,  sed  culpa  illius  super  qtieni  imprecatur. 
•  Leprosy,  not       Item  beatus  Ambrosius  dicit :  Qui  dat  pecuniam  pro  ordinibus 
vetT holy"    episcopo,  quid  sumit  ab  episcopo  ?   leprani,  inquit,  non  gratiam. 
thing  may  be  plane  id  ita  esse  credimus.    qui  enim  quae  sancta  sunt  datione 

given,  which,  ^     .  .  ,     .  .  .  .... 

though  death  auri  et  argenti  tradit,  datione  auri  et  argenti  sumit,  indigne  lUe 
to  others^  ^'^^  tradit,  indigne  iste  sumit;  ad  perniciem  et  judicium  sibi  ille 
tradit,  ad  perniciem  et  judicium  sibi  iste  sumit:  tamen  sacra  sunt 
et  quae  ille  tradit,  et  quae  iste  sumit.  sicut  de  corpore  Christi 
constat :  qui  indigne  tradit,  judicium  sibi  tradit ;  qui  indigne 
sumit,  judicium  sibi  sumit:  tamen  corpus  Christi  et  ille  tradit, 
et  iste  sumit.  nisi  enim  aliquid  sacri  usurpando  vel  ille  tra- 
jderet  vel  iste  sumeret,  unde  vel  ille  tradendo  vel  iste  sumendo  f.  108. 
puniretur  ? 

The  outward        Quae,  inquies,  sacra  ?   ipsa,  ut  tu  ipse  dicere  soles,  exteriora 
tilings*'^  ^"^■^  sacrorum  officiorum  signa,  quae  tunc  ceperant,  gratia  dei  fructuose 
traduntur,  fructuose  sumuntur  quando  in  neutra  parte  quicquam 
aliud  consideratur,  nisi  ut  serviendo  deo  amor  ejus  et  gratia  inde 
Matt,  vi  22  f.  obtineatur.    unde  dominus  in  evangelio :  Si  oculus  tuus  fuerit 
simplex,  totum  corpus  tuiim  lucidum  erit:  si  autem  nequam  fuerit, 
totum  corpus  tuum  tenebrosum  erit.    quia  vero  sic  male  traditus 
ordo  injuste  traditur,  injuste  sumitur,  et  ad  perniciem  usurpando 
tenetur,  exigente  justitia  necesse  est  ut  amittatur^  donee  digno 
Their  use  may  paenitentiae  fructu  gratia  dei  obtineatur,  et  tandem  debito  jure 
but^artenvards  ^xequendi  officii  gradus  restituatur.    quod  ubi  restituitur,  alia 
restored.        reiteratione  consecrationis  res  non  indiget,  sed  sola  per  manus 
episcopi  impositionem  reconciliatione  opus  est.  sicut  enim  quando 
deponitur  ipsa  singulorum  ordinum  signa  sibi  toUuntur,  ita  quando 
restituitur  eadem  singulorum  ordinum  signa  sibi  redduntur,  et 
sic  per  debitae  benedictionis  gratiam  deo  reconciliatur. 
The  vessels         Precor,  attende.    praecepit  dominus  Moysi  ut  omnia  utensilia 
company^     templi  debito  ritu  sacrarentur:  alitor  vero  deo  indigna  atque 
were  treated   profana  haberentur.    legimus  tamen  in  libro  Numeri :  Locutus 
Num*.' xvi  5-7.  ^^t  Moyses  ad  Chore  et  ad  omnem  multitudinem :  Hoc  igitur 
facite;  tollat  unusquisque  thuHhula  sua,  tu  Chore  et  omne  con- 
cilium tuum,  et  Imusto  eras  igne  ponite  desuper  thymiama  coram 
Num.  xvi  31.  domino;  et  quemcunque  elegerit,  ipse  erit  sanctus.    sequitur:  Con- 
festim  igitar  ut  cessavit  loqui,  dirupta  est  terra  sub  pedibus  eorum 

'  admittatur  ms. 


122 


Gilbert  Crispin 


et  aperiens  os  suum  devoravit  illos  cum  tabernaculis  suis  et  universa 
Num.  xvi       stibstantia.    sed  et  ignis  egressus  a  domino  interfecit  ducentos 
35-37.  quinqmiginta  viros  qui  offerebant  incensnm.  loctdusque  est  dominus 

ad  Moysen,  dicens:  Praecipe  Eleazaro  filio  Aaron  sacerdotis,  ut 
tollat  thunbula  quae  jacent  in  incendio,  et  ignem  hue  illucque 
dispergat,  quondam  sanctijicata  sunt  in  mortibus  peccatorum ;  pro- 
ducatque  ea  in  laminas  et  affigat  altari,  eo  quod  oblatum  sit  in  eis 
incensum  domino  et  sanctijicata  sint.    qui  ergo  contra  legis  statuta 
incensum  et  thymiama  obtulerunt  domino,  pro  teraeritate  sua 
debita  ultionis  vindicta  percussi  sunt :  thuribula  vero,  quae  teme- 
rario  tactu  profanata  erant,  in  mortibus  peccatorum  dicit  esse 
sanctificata.    non  dicit  ea  iterum  sacrari  oportere,  sed  in  mortibus 
peccatorum  expiata  digno  expiationis  atque  paenitentiae  fructu 
dicit  esse  sanctificata. 
Things  and         Ita  igitur  et  quando  a  siraoniacis  loca  consecrantur,  ipsi  pro 
consecrated^  temerario  ausu  debita  ultionis  vindicta  percutiuntur:  ea  vero  per 
need  only  to  sanctificatae  aquae  aspersionem  I  ab  episcopis  reconciliata  debito  f.  109. 
be  reconciled.  .  .„  •    -i-  ......  .  , 

jure  sanctmcantur.    similiter  ordmati  a  simoniacis  pro  temeraria^ 

praesumptione  sacrorum  digna  ultionis  vindicta  percutiuntur;  et 
post  peractum  paenitentiae  tempus,  digno  paenitentiae  fructu 
quasi  quodam  igne  anxiati  spiritus  sanctificati,  sola  per  manus 
episcopi    impositionem   reconciliationis    benedictione  indigent. 
No  consecra-  sanctificatio  quidem  nulla  existit,  nisi  per  fidem  dominicae  pas- 
th°crossof    sionis  et  assignationem  dominicae  crucis.    sicut  enim  in  veteri 
Christ,         testamento  sine  sanguinis  effusione  non  fiebat  sanctificatio,  ita  et 
in  novo  testamento  sine  crucis  assignatione  nulla  fit  sanctificatio. 
crux  quippe  ipsius  dominicae  mortis  est  signum  atque  ostensio. 
A  right  con-        Hac  igitur  ratione  multum  distat  inter  gentilem  et  simoni- 
be''effect"dTy  ^^um.    gentilis  quando  sacrat,  neque  ipse  est  qui  sacrare  debet, 
one  who       neque  sacrat  cui  debet,  immo  cui  non  debet,  idolo  videlicet,  et 
consecrate;"  omnino  aliter  quam  debet,    simoniacus  quando  sacrat,  licet  ipse 
non  sit  qui  sacrare  debet,  tamen  sacrat  cui  debet,  deo  videlicet. 
Gen.  iv  7.      et  omni  eo  ritu  quo  debet,    revera  quidem  concedi  oportet :  Si 
recte  offeras,  recte  autem  non  dividas,  peccasti.    tamen  et  concedi 
oportet,  quod  multo  vicinius  saluti  peccat  quisquis  intra  fidem 
christianam  positus  peccat,  quam  is  qui  omnino  extra  fidem 
Joh.  iii  14  f.    christianam  extat.    unde  dominus  in  evangelio :  Sicut  Moyses 
exaltavit  serpentem  in  deserto,  ita  exaltari  oportet  filium  hominis; 
ut  omnis  qui  credit  in  eum  non  pereat,  sed  habeat  vitam  aeternam. 
1  temerario  ms. 


De  Simoniacis 


123 


Heb.  xi  G. 

wliereas  a 
Gentile 
consecration 
is  nought. 

Siiuiiuary 
of  reply. 


Th.  re  is  a 
duty  of  sub- 
jection for 
those  who 
cannot 
remove  such 
persons. 


Cf.  2  Cor.  vi 
15. 

Ro.  xiii  2. 

Communion 
with  them  is 
only  wrong 
if  it  implies 
assent. 


They  receive 
nought  and 
give  nought, 
in  the  sense 
that  they 
receive  and 
give  amiss. 


But  they 
differ  from 
laymen,  who 
receive  not 
at  alt. 


qui  ergo  credit  in  deuni  potest  non  perire,  si  fidem  habeat,  quae 
sine  operibus  mortua  existit ;  at  vero  qui  non  credit  nulla  ratione 
non  potest  non  perire :  sine  fide  enini,  sicut  ait  apostolus  Paulus, 
ivipossibile  est  placere  deo.  altare  ergo  illud,  de  quo  in  libro 
Machabeoruni  legitur  quod  gentes  construxerant,  Judas  Machabeus 
et  populus  qui  cum  eo  erat  jure  a  solo  prorsus  destruxerunt ;  quia 
ubi  nulla  sanctificatio  fuit  nulla  prorsus  emundatio  esse  potuit. 

Ut  igitur  et  nos  responsionis  nostrae  summam  colligamus, 
paucis  attende.  dicimus  tecum  quia  simoniacus  revera  haereticus 
est,  dicimus  tecum  quia  communicandum  sibi  non  est ;  sed  com- 
municare  dicimus  unum  cum  illo  esse  voluntatis  assensu  atque 
actione.  si  idcirco  regulariter  atque  canonice  subditi  eum  amovere 
possunt,  tolerandus  non  est,  immo  omnino  amovendus  est.  si 
autem  competenter  id  facere  non  possunt,  patienter  tolerandus  est, 
et  sine  periculo  in  his  quae  fieri  licet  a  subditis  ei  obedientia 
exhiberi  potest  atque  debet,  sub  Nabuchodonosor,  qui  erat  in- 
fidelis  atque  idolatra,  vixit  per  annos  multos  imperiis  ejus  parendo 
Daniel  propheta,  vir  fidelis  atque  verus  Israelita.  si  ergo  obicis 
mihi  auctoritatem  apostoli:  Quae  communicatio  fideli  cum  infideli? 
par  pari  referimus :  obicimus  et  nos  auctoritatem  ejusdem 
apostoli :  Qui  potestati  resistit,  ordinationi^  dei  resistit.  et  for- 
|tassis  utraque  sic  servatur  auctoritas,  nec  alteri  altera  repugnat,  f.  no. 
si  communicare  alicui  dicimus  unum  cum  illo  esse  voluntatis 
assensu  atque  actione.  hoc  enim  modo  cavere  possumus  ne  ali- 
quibus  in  maligno  positis  communicemus.  ad  cumulum  vero 
hujus  cautelae  atque  observantiae  plerumque  praecipitur  a  quibus 
fieri  debet,  et  quibus  id  observare  licet,  ne  cum  ejusmodi  ulla 
prorsus  communio  vel  in  cibo  vel  in  potu  vel  in  colloquio  habeatur. 
ad  praesens  enim  loquimur  non  de  illis  sub  quorum  censura  ex- 
istunt  simoniaci,  at  de  illis  quos  necesse  est  (esse)  sub  illis,  et 
quorum  causae  non  interest  judicare  de  illis,  sed  judicari  ab  illis. 

Item  dicimus  tecum  quia  simoniacus  nil  accipit,  nil  tradit. 
sed  id  idcirco  dicimus  quia  aliter  quam  debet  accipit,  injuste 
accipit,  ad  perniciem  et  ad  judicium  sibi  accipit;  aliter  quam  debet 
tradit,  injuste  tradit,  ad  perniciem  et  ad  judicium  sibi  tradit : 
tamen  et  ille  tradit  et  iste  accipit  quae  in  sacris  actionibus  ab 
homine  tradi  possunt  et  accipi. 

Refert  quidem,  et  plurimum  refert,  inter  simoniacum  et  sine 
ordinibns  laicuin.    nauKjue  laicus  absolute  nihil  omnino  accipit; 
'  ordinatio  ms. 


124  Gilbert  Crispin 

simoniacus  vero  et  aliquid  ab  ordinante  accipit  et  nihil  ab 
ordinante  accipit.  quamvis  enim  ad  perniciem  accipiat,  aliquid 
tamen  accipit,  quia  ordines  sacros  accipit ;  sed  idcirco  dicitur  quia 
nihil  accipit,  quoniam  propter  quod  debet  et  ad  (juod  debet  ordines 
sacros  non  accipit :  neque  enim  propter  deum  accipit,  neque  enim 
ad  suscipiendam  dei  gratiam  ordines  sacros  accipit.  idcirco 
dicimus  quia  nihil  accipit,  quia  dicere  solemus  rem  non  esse 
quae  aliter  est  quam  debet  esse,  et  aliquid  non  fieri  quod  aliter 
This  common  fit  quani  debet  fieri^.  undo  frequentissimo  usu  loquendi  dicimus 
wcn-d^nought'  ®^  aliud  quam  debet  dicit.  Nihil  est  quod  dicisl  quamvis 
enim  revera  aliquid  dicat,  revera  aliquid  faciat,  quia  non  dicit 
illud  aliquid  (piod  debet  dicere,  nec  fticit  illud  aliquid  quod  debet 
facere,  dicimus  quia  non  dicit  seu  facit  aliquid,  quoniam  tantundem 
valet  ac  si  non  faceret  uUum  aliquid;  immo  melius  esset  non 
fecisse  aliquid,  quam  fecisse  illud  aliquid  quod  non  debuit.  si 
enim  malum  est  non  fecisse  quod  debuit,  multo  gravius  malum 
existit  et  non  fecisse  quod  debuit  et  fecisse  quod  non  debuit. 
illustrated  Accipe  in  scripturis  quoque  multa  hujusmodi  locutionum  ex- 

scripture^      empla.    in  epistola  ad  Corinthios  dicit  apostolus:  Si  hahuero 
1  Cor.  xiii  2.  omnem  fidem,  ita  ut  monies  transferam,  caritatem  autem  non  habeam, 
nihil  sum.    quamvis  enim  aliud  aliquid  existat,  quia  non  est  aliud 
aliquid  quod  debet  esse,  nihil  hoc  est,  non  aliquid  dicit  se  esse. 
Gal.  vi  3.      Item  in  epistola  ad  Galathas :  Qui  autem  putat  se  esse  aliquid  cum 
nihil  sit,  se  ipsum  seducit :  cum  nihil,  hoc  est  non  aliquid,  sit, 
quia  non  est  illud  aliquid  quod  debet  esse,     unde  in  psalmo 
Ps.  xlix  20.     dicitur :  Homo  cum  in  honore  esset  non  intelleodt,  comparatus  est 
jumentis  insipientibus  et  similis  /actus  est  illis.    ac  si  diceret: 
Destitit  esse  homo,  |  quando  destitit  facere  quod  facere  debet  homo  f.  ill. 
Eccles.  xii  13.  et  ad  quod  factus  est  homo,   unde  scriptura :  Deum  tim£,  et  man- 
data  ejus  observa:  hoc  est  omnis  homo,    si  igitur  homo  est  qui 
ratione  utitur,  deum  timet,  et  mandata  ejus  observat;  qui  ratione 
abutitur,  deum  non  timet,  et  mandata  ejus  non  servat,  hominem 
esse  eum  contradicit  scriptura,  licet  gerat  speciem  hominis  et 
formam,    eo  itaque  modo  dici  potest  quia  simoniacus  nil  accipit, 
nil  tradit;  quia  quod  accipit,  aliter  omnino  quam  debet  accipit; 
quod  tradit,  omnino  aliter  quam  debet  tradit  ^ 


1  fieri]  esse,  et  aliquid  non  fieri  quod  aliter  fit  quam  debet  fieri  (fieri  2°  supr.  lin.) 
MS.  dicit  MS.         *  Explicit  liber  de  symoniacis  ms  (rubr.). 


SELECTED  CHARTERS. 


The  charters  which  here  follow  are  for  the  most  part  printed  for  the 
first  time.  The  originals  of  six  of  them  are  preserved  among  the  abbey 
muniments  (nos,  6,  7,  23,  24,  35,  36).  The  rest  come  from  Westminster 
chartularies,  and  offer  for  the  most  part  texts  of  the  end  of  the  thirteenth 
or  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  centuries,  a  few  being  only  of  the 
fifteenth  century  \  I  have  described  these  books  elsewhere,  and  will 
only  speak  briefly  of  them  here.  The  Westminster  '  Domesday '  (as  it 
was  called  in  Q.  Elizabeth's  time)  is  a  very  large  folio  containing  nearly 
fourteen  hundred  pages.  I  have  ransacked  it  again  and  again,  but  as 
it  has  no  index  I  cannot  pretend  to  have  discovered  all  that  may  be 
of  interest  for  Abbot  Gilbert's  time.  Faustina  A.  ill  is  unhappily  no 
longer  in  its  old  home :  it  passed  by  some  illicit  process,  now  undis- 
coverable,  into  the  Cottonian  collection.  Portions  of  it  are  copied  from 
the  Westminster  '  Domesday ' ;  but  parts  of  it  are  perhaps  a  little 
earlier,  and  certainly  offer  independent  texts.  I  have,  therefore,  some- 
times given  its  variants,  either  as  being  in  themselves  of  value,  or  as 
illustrating  the  degree  of  freedom  with  which  scribes  copied  charters 
into  these  large  collections.  For  a  few  of  the  charters  printed  below  we 
depend  on  the  Liber  Niger  Quaternus  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

I  have  had  no  previous  experience  in  the  perilous  but  fascinating 
work  of  classifying  charters ;  and  I  am  prepared  to  find  that  my  ignor- 
ance has  led  me  into  serious  blunders.  I  have  learned  much  from 
Dr  Horace  Round's  valuable  books,  and  I  have  good  hope  that  some  of 
the  facts  which  I  am  able  to  offer  for  the  first  time  will  be  of  interest 
to  him  and  to  other  exact  students.  I  need  hardly  add  that  I  shall  be 
grateful  for  their  aid  in  correcting  mistakes. 

For  the  sake  of  those  who  are  unfamiliar  with  such  charters  and 
with  the  problems  of  classification,  I  may  say  that  only  one  of  these 
charters  bears  a  date,  and  curiously  enough  that  date  appears  to  be  a 
wrong  one.    We  are  dependent  entirely  on  the  subject  matter  of  each 

1  For  these  chartularies  see  MSS  of  Westminster  Abbey,  pp.  93  S. 


126 


Gilbert  Crispin 


charter  and  the  names  of  the  persons  granting,  addressed,  witnessing,  or 
otherwise  mentioned.  K.  Henry  I's  reign  is,  fortunately  for  our  purpose, 
conspicuously  marked  in  two  years  by  the  inroads  of  death.  In  1107 
quite  a  number  of  his  old  and  trusted  servants  passed  away,  men  who 
had  served  his  brother  and  his  father,  and  frequently  attested  his 
charters  up  to  that  date:  and  on  23  Nov.  1120  William,  his  son  and 
heir,  with  the  most  promising  young  men  of  his  court,  sank  with  the 
White  Ship.  It  is  obvious  that  limits  are  thus  often  provided  below 
which  charters  cannot  be  placed.  The  king's  frequent  absences  in 
Normandy  offer  further  limitations  for  those  of  his  charters  which  are 
issued  in  England.  He  appears  to  have  been  in  England,  during  the 
time  with  which  we  are  concerned,  for  the  following  periods^: 

5  Aug.  1100  (Coronation)— Whitsuntide  1104, 

Christm.  1104— Lent  1105, 

Aug.  1105— July  1106, 

Easter  1107— July  1108, 

Whitsun.  1109— Aug.  1110, 

July  1113—21  Sep.  1114, 

July  1115— Easter  1116. 
After  this  he  did  not  return  till  Nov.  1120;  and  meantime  Abbot 
Gilbert  had  died  on  6  Dec.  1117,  and  Q.  Matilda  on  1  May  1118. 

This  will  suffice  to  shew  the  nature  of  the  problem.  I  have  tried  in 
the  notes  to  make  the  charters  intelligible  to  those  who  have  no  detailed 
knowledge  of  the  matters  and  persons  referred  to.  I  have  frequently 
referred  to  the  History  of  Abingdon  edited  by  Mr  Stevenson  in  one  of 
the  earliest  numbers  of  the  Rolls  series:  for  Abbot  Faricius  (1100 — 
1117)  was  an  eminent  physician,  who  drew  many  great  benefactors  to 
his  abbey  and  was  in  high  favour  with  the  king :  accordingly  he  secured 
a  quite  unusual  number  of  royal  charters  of  confirmation,  and  these  are 
frequently  of  service  for  the  illustration  of  the  Westminster  charters  I 

I  have  not  included  in  this  series  the  general  charter  of  Hen.  I, 
confirming  the  liberties  of  the  abbey  at  the  opening  of  his  reign 
(D.  f  57  h) :  it  is  obviously  a  forgery,  and  its  only  interest  lies  in  the 
problem  of  its  real  date  and  its  relation  to  similar  fabrications,  of  which 
Westminster  possessed  a  handsome  series^*.  These  would  undoubtedly 
1  I  state  the  periods  somewhat  vaguely,  and  depend  for  the  statement  largely  on  the 
investigations  of  others. 

^  Mr  Stevenson  made  a  brave  attempt  at  arranging  these  in  an  appendix  ;  but  his  dates 
appear  to  need  a  careful  scrutiny.  He  accepted  too  readily  the  statements  contained  in 
the  History,  which  are  often  demonstrably  erroneous. 

'  See  the  Introduction  to  Flete's  History  of  Westminster,  pp.  12  ff. 


Selected  Charters 


127 


repay  the  labour  of  a  minute  investigation,  which  ought  to  reveal  the 
motives  which  led  men  of  general  excellence  and  honesty  to  invent 
documents  of  this  kind — documents  in  which  they  never  appear  to 
claim  anything  to  which  their  monastery  was  not,  in  their  own  time  at 
least,  fully  entitled.  But  the  subject  stands  by  itself,  and  does  not 
belong  to  our  present  purpose. 

The  series  includes  some  charters  of  the  time  of  Gilbert's  predecessor 
Vitalis  (1076 — 19  June  1085),  and  some  also  of  the  time  of  his  successor 
Herbert,  who  was  not  appointed  until  January  1121.  They  illustrate 
what  has  been  said  earlier  in  this  volume,  or  they  are  of  value  for 
purposes  of  reference.  I  have  not  undertaken  to  give  all  charters  that 
belong  to  Gilbert's  time :  the  task  of  discrimination  is  often  very 
diflScult.  Some  important  documents  have  been  printed  and  com- 
mented on  above,  and  may  for  convenience  be  named  here :  The 
Piriford  charter  granted  '  post  descriptionem  totius  Anglie '  (p.  29) ; 
two  writs  of  Abbot  Gilbert  concerning  Sanctuary  (p.  37)  ;  the  grant 
of  Totenhale  to  William  Baynard  (p.  38)  ;  'Firma  monachorum '  (p.  41). 

I  have  expanded  the  abbreviations,  except  where  expansion  seemed 
quite  unnecessary,  or  where  (as  generally  in  the  case  of  proper  names) 
there  was  good  reason  for  keeping  the  abbreviated  form. 

1.    D.  f  678. 

W.  rex  Angl'  S.  vicecom'  et  fidelibus  suis  de  Exssexe  salutem. 
Sciatis  quia  ego  concessi  sancto  Petro  Westm'  terram  et  mariscum 
qui  vocatur  Tillabyri,  quem  Goffridus  de  magna  villa  dedit  eidem 
ecclesie  pro  anima  uxoris  que  illic  jacet.  T'.  Ricardus  fil'  Gisleberti 
comitis  et  R.  de  Oleyo. 

[c.  1071—85.]  For  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville,  see  above  pp.  32,  39, 
and  below,  charters  nos.  2—7,  10,  12,  15,  16,  20,  35,  36. 

For  Suain  of  Essex,  see  pp.  49  f  and  no.  2.  Suain  had  ceased  to  be 
sheriff  of  Essex  before  the  Survey  was  taken;  so  had  Ralph  Baynard  also. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  Geoffrey's  wife  Athelais  was  buried  in  the 
cloister  (see  below,  no.  15),  it  is  hardly  likely  that  the  charter  is  earlier 
than  Abbot  Edwin's  death  in  1071. 

Richard  fitz  Gilbert  (Richard  de  Bienfaite)  was  the  son  of  Gilbert 
count  of  Brionne,  the  lord  of  Herluin  who  founded  the  abbey  of  Bee. 

Robert  de  Oleio  appears  as  a  benefactor  of  Abingdon  {Hist.  Ah. 
Rolls  S.  II  25).  He  attests  nos.  4,  5,  below.  He  died  c.  1094,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother  Nigel  de  Oleio  (see  below,  no.  21).  Robert's 


128 


Gilbert  Crispin 


daughter  Matilda  was  married  to  Milo  Crispin :  Nigel  had  a  son  Robert 
de  Oleio,  the  younger,  who  succeeded  him, 

2.    D.  f.  520  6. 

Willelmus  rex  Angl'  Walchelino  episcopo  et  Hugoni  episcopo 
et  Radulpho  Baynard  et  Rannulpho  et  Goffrido  vicecomitibus  et 
omnibus  baronibus  suis  Francis  et  Anglis  de  Suthereya  et  Estsexia 
salutem.  Sciatis  (me)  concessisse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  et  Vitali 
abbati  et  monachis  Westm'  illas  quatuor  hidas  in  Totingas  quas 
Sueyn  ibidem  dedit,  et  quas  Ailnoth  de  Lond'  nepos  ejus  nunc 
tenet  de  sancto  et  monachis  illius  ecclesie.  praeterea  concedo  illis 
terram  de  Lundon'  et  molendinum  de  Stratforde  cum  tota  terra 
sibi  pertinent!,  unde  praedictus  Ailnod'  predictam  hereditavit 
ecclesiam,  teste  Odone  episcopo  Baioc'  et  Rob'  comite  de  Merit'  et 
Willelmo  filio  Osberni.  Valete. 

[1076 — 85.]  Walkelin  bp  of  Winchester  was  consecrated  30  May 
1070,  and  died  3  Jan.  1098.  Hugh  bp  of  London,  consecrated  in  1075, 
died  12  Jan.  1085.  For  Ralph  Baynard,  see  above,  p.  38.  Rannulf 
appears  as  sheriff  of  Surrey  in  the  Survey.  '  Goffridus '  is  probably 
Geoffrey  de  Mandeville. 

The  attestations  do  not  belong  to  this  writ :  for  Vitalis  came  in  1076, 
whereas  W.  fitz  Osbern  was  killed  in  1071.  They  must  be  regarded  as 
recited  in  the  writ,  which  itself  is  not  attested,  but  ends  with  '  Valete.' 
I  have  therefore  placed  after  '  ecclesiam  '  a  comma  only. 

Odo  bp  of  Bayeux  and  Robert  count  of  Mortain  were  half  brothers 
of  the  Conqueror.  Odo  was  arrested  in  the  Isle  of  Wight  towards  the 
end  of  1082. 

Edward  the  Confessor  by  a  Saxon  charter  (D.  f  529)  grants  the  four 
hides  in  Tooting  which  Suain  held  of  him  and  gave  to  the  abbey. 
Hen.  I's  grant  of  them  to  Abbot  Gilbert  is  printed  below,  no.  21.  The 
abbey  of  Bee  held  an  adjoining  property  (Tooting  Bee),  which  was  given 
by  Richard  fitz  Gilbert  and  his  wife  Rohaise  (Monast.  vi  1052  f).  Of 
Ailnodus  or  Aelfhoth  we  read  in  the  Survey  in  regard  to  Tooting :  '  Suen 
tenuit  de  rege  Edwardo.  banc  terram  recepit  Wallef  comes  de  Suen 
post  mortem  R.E.,  et  invadiavit  pro  ii  markis  auri  Alnodo  Lundoniensi, 
qui  concessit  sancto  Petro  pro  anima  sua,  scilicet  quod  ibi  habebat.' 
And  in  the  Telligraphus  of  Will.  I  (D.  f.  50)  we  have :  '  Aelfnothus 
civis  Lundoniensis,  qui  ibidem  monachus  effectus  fuit.'  (Cf  First 
Charter  of  Will.  I,  D.  f  52  b.)    For  Suain  see  also  nos.  1,  8. 


Selected  Charters 


129 


3.  D.  f.  181. 

W.  rex  Angl'  Walchelino  episcopo  Winton'  et  omnibus  baronibus 
et  ministris  suis  Francis  et  Anglis  de  Sutrega  salutem.  Sciatis  me 
concessisse  et  confirmasse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  et  abbati  Vitali  et 
monachis  Westm'  illas  tres  hidas  quas  Gaufridus  filius  comitis 
Eustachii  pro  Beatrice  uxore  sua  ibidem  libere  donavit,  annuente 
tamen  Gaufrido  de  magna  villa:  unam  videlicet  in  Belgeham  et 
duas  in  Waletona  juxta  Mordon'.  et  precipio  quod  predictus  abbas 
et  monachi  Westra'  has  prenominatas  tres  hidas  perpetuo  teneant 
bene  et  in  pace,  libere  et  honorifice,  quietas  de  murdro  et  geldo  vel 
danegeldo ;  et  defendo  ne  aliquis  eis  super  banc  meam  regiam 
libertatem  et  concessionem  injuriam  vel  torturam  faciat.  T.' 
Wluoldo  abbate  et  Gaufrido  de  magna  villa. 

[1076—84.]  '  Wluoldus'  is  probably  Wulfwold,  abbot  of  Chertsey 
(tl084).  Comp.  with  this  charter  Round,  Feud.  Eng.  330:  'the 
Mandeville  fief  in  Surrey,  where  we  read  of  "  Aultone  "  : — "  De  his  hidis 
tenet  Wesmam  vi  hidas  de  Goisfrido  filio  comitis  Eustachii ;  banc  terram 
dedit  ei  Goisfridus  de  Mannevil  cum  filia  sua  "  (i  36).'  Combining  this 
statement  with  our  charter,  we  get  the  interesting  fact  that  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon,  who  took  the  cross  in  1096  and  was  elected  king  of  Jerusalem 
in  1099,  had  married  Beatrice,  the  daughter  of  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville. 

For  his  brother  Eustace  count  of  Boulogne  (junior),  see  below 
no.  26. 

4.  D.  f.  100  6. 

Willelmus  dei  gracia  rex  Anglorum  G.  de  magna  villa  et  vicec' 
et  Willelmo  cam'  et  omnibus  civibus  et  ministris  suis  London' 
salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  et  Vitali 
abbati  et  monachis  ecclesie  Westmon'  pro  salute  anime  mee  et 
amore  pie  memorie  cognati  mei  predecessoris  regis  Edwardi  in 
civitate  Londonia  omnes  terras  quas  idem  rex  predicto  loco  sue 
sepulture  dederat,  et  quas  ego  postea  addideram,  vel  quas  ipsi  in 
eadem  urbe  ante  tenuerant  quicunque  eas  dedisset,  cum  saka  et 
sokna  et  toll  et  theam  et  miskennige  et  sceawinge ;  et  ut  libere  et 
quiete  et  honorifice  habeant  nundinalia  et  argisteria,  id  est  merca- 
toria  loca,  cum  seldis  et  scoppis  et  redditibus  suis,  et  macella  sua 
cum  consuetudinibus  et  rectitudinibus  suis  theloneoque  suo,  que 
sint  ad  illuminacionem  ecclesie,  sicut  idem  constituit.  preterea  hiis 
concessionibus  me  is  adjeci  ut  omnes  merca  tores  noti  vel  ignoti, 

B.  c.  9 


130 


Gilbert  Crispin 


incole  vel  advene,  hujus  vel  alterius  cujuslibet  patrie,  qui  tera- 
poribus  predecessoris  mei,  videlicet  regis  Edwardi,  descenderunt 
sive  applicuerunt  in  soca  seu  seldis  vel  hwervis  sancti  Petri  ad 
hospitandum,  ad  easdem  nunc  revertantur;  et  ibi  sint  bene  et 
honorifice,  et  firmam  pacem  meam  habeant  in  eundo  et  in  redeundo. 
et  firmiter  prohibe(o)  quod  nemo  vicecomitum,  procuratorum, 
exactorum  vel  ministrorum  meorum  eos  disturbet,  neque  injuriam 
vel  contumeliam  faciat ;  et  nuUus  se  intromittat  inde  omnino,  nisi 
per  abbatem  et  monachos  suos,  sicut  idem  benignissimus  rex 
Edwardus  per  cartas  suas  concessit  atque  confirmavit.  et  ideo 
videte,  sicut  amorem  meum  diligitis,  ne  inde  clamorem  audiam 
pro  recti  penuria,  super  x  libr'  forisfacture.  Testibus,  Walkelino 
Winton'  episcopo,  Willelmo  Dun'  episcopo,  H.  comes  de  War', 
R.  com'  de  Mall',  Yvone  Tailebois,  Roberto  de  01',  Rog'  Big',  apud 
Westm'  in  pentec'. 

[1081 — 5.]  William  of  St  Carileph  was  consecrated  to  Durham 
3  Jan.  1081.    Vitalis  died,  probably,  in  1085. 

Geoffrey  de  Mandeville  was  sheriff  of  London  and  Middlesex. 

William  the  chamberlain  is  referred  to  in  Hist.  Ahingd.  ll  128  as 
'  Willelmus  regis  camerarius  de  Lundonia ' :  he  had  land  close  to 
Abingdon,  which  he  held  for  the  service  of  a  knight ;  but,  when  Robert 
invaded  England  in  1101,  he  refused  to  provide  the  knight,  and  the 
abbot  had  to  find  one  instead.  He  is  mentioned  {ibid.  54)  as  present 
when  a  grant  was  made  on  the  altar  at  Abingdon  by  William  de  Curci 
on  23  Oct.  1105.  A  Middlesex  grant  is  addressed  to  and  attested  by 
him  at  London,  1100 — 1  (no.  20,  below,  see  also  nos.  17,  39).  In  the 
Ramsey  chartulary  we  find  '  Will,  camerarius  regis '  at  Brampton 
attesting  a  royal  writ  in  1110  (Rolls  Ser.  I  148);  and  'Will,  camerarius 
London'  (1114 — 30;  ib.  I  142):  but  we  cannot  be  sure  that  we  are 
always  dealing  with  the  same  man. 

In  the  Telligraphus  of  Will.  I  (D.  f  50  6)  we  read:  'Willelmus 
camerarius  meus  pro  concessa  sibi  fraternitate  et  beneficiis  memorate 
ecclesie,  et  pro  monachatu  cujusdam  Huberti  sui  familiaris  amici,  quem 
vice  sua  pro  dei  amore  ibidem  monachum  fecerat  (gave  three  hides  in 
Kingsbury,  co.  Middles.).'  Though  that  charter  is  not  genuine,  the 
tradition  may  be  true. 

Henry,  earl  of  Warwick,  was  son  of  Roger  of  Beaumont:  he  died 
20  June  1123.  He  usually  attests  after  Robert,  count  of  Meulan,  his 
elder  brother.  Robert  (f  1118)  was  the  father  of  Robert,  earl  of 
Leicester. 


Selected  Charters 


131 


Ivo  Taillebois  sometimes  attests  simply  as  '  Ivo  dapifer.'  He  has  a 
bad  name  in  the  Pseudo-Ingulphus  as  a  robber  of  Croyland  abbey. 
See  below,  nos.  9,  27. 

For  Robert  de  Oleio,  see  above,  no.  1. 

Roger  Bigod  (f  15  Sep.  1107)  was  'dapifer'  under  Will.  II  and 
Hen.  I.  He  is  'not  traced  in  English  records  before  1079'  (Maunde 
Thompson,  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.).  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  William, 
who  was  drowned  in  1120;  then  by  his  second  son  Hugh  ('dapifer'  in 
1123). 

I  have  some  doubt  as  to  the  genuineness  of  this  charter :  the  style 
'  dei  gratia '  is  suspicious  (but  cf.  no.  9).  The  much  larger  charter  which 
immediately  precedes  it  (D.  f.  99)  is  certainly  fictitious :  it  is  partly 
founded  upon  this ;  it  also  bears  a  very  close  resemblance  to  the  charter 
said  to  have  been  granted  in  the  same  year  (1081)  by  Will.  I  to 
St  Peter's,  Ghent  (see  Round's  Cal.  oj  Doc.  preserved  in  France  I 
502). 

5.    D.  f.  529,  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  64. 

W.  rex  Angl'  M.  London'  episcopo  et  G.  de  magna  villa  et 
omnibus  ministris  suis  ac  fidelibus  Francis  et  Anglis  de  Lundon' 
salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  Westm'  et 
G.  abbati  donum  quod  Aluuardus  de  Lundonia  eis  dedit  pro 
anima  sua;  id  est,  ecclesiam  sancte  Marie  que  dicitur  Niwecirke, 
cum  omnibus  rebus  ad  eam  pertinentibus,  sicut  idem  Aluuardus 
melius  et  plenius  eis  concesserat.  et  volo  et  firmiter  precipio  ut 
bene  et  quiete  et  honorifice  et  libere  et  absque  omni  calumpnia  et 
inquietudine  et  sine  cujuslibet  reclamatione,  cum  terris  et  domibus, 
cum  saca  et  socna  et  toll  et  team  et  latrone,  et  cum  omnibus  rebus 
et  consuetudinibus  et  legibus  eam  teneant.  et  defendo  ne  aliquis 
inde  illis  aliquam  torturam  faciat.  Testibus,  Walchel'  Winton' 
episcopo,  Willelmo  Dunelm'  episcopo,  et  R.  de  Mell',  et  R.  com.  de 
Warwic,  et  R.  de  Oleio,  et  R.  Bigodo,  apud  Westm'. 

[1086.]  Maurice  was  appointed  bishop  of  London  at  the  Christmas 
court  of  1085  at  Gloucester,  and  was  consecrated  [5  Apr.  ?]  1086  at 
Winchester.  The  king  knighted  his  son  Henry  at  Westminster  'in 
hebdomada  Pentecostes ' :  later  in  the  year  he  crossed  to  Normandy, 
not  to  return.  Probably,  therefore,  Whitsuntide  1086  is  the  date  of 
this  charter. 

It  is  wrongly  ascribed  to  Will.  II  in  the  rubric  of  D. 

9—2 


132  Gilbert  Crispin 

The  witnesses  are  the  same,  save  for  the  omission  of  Ivo  Taillebois, 
as  in  the  preceding  charter.    '  R.'  (earl  of  Warwick)  should  be  '  H.' 

For  other  charters  relating  to  this  church  of  St  Mary  see  nos.  10, 11; 
and  for  the  controversy  regarding  it  see  the  detached  note  On  the  early 
charters  of  St  John's  Abbey,  Colchester  (pp.  158 — 166). 

6.    Mun.  2001. 

Sciant  presentes  et  futuri,  universe  sancte  matris  ecclesie  fideles 
et  filii,  quod  ego  Goffridus  de  magnavilla  concessi  et  mea  liberali 
donatione  donavi  deo  et  sancto  Petro  et  ecclesie  Westmonasterii, 
necnon  et  sancte  Marie  de  Hurleya,  pro  salute  et  redemptione 
anime  mee  et  uxoris  mee  Leceline,  cujus  consilio  gratia  divina 
providente  hoc  bonum  inchoavi,  et  pro  anima  Athelaise  prime 
uxoris  mee  matris  filiorum  meorum  jam  defuncte,  necnon  et 
heredum  meorum  omnium  mihi  succedentium,  eandem  ecclesiam 
sancte  Marie  de  Hurleia  in  Bearrocsira,  cum  tota  predicta  villa  de 
Hurleia  et  cum  toto  circumjacenti  nemore  eidem  ville  adjacenti, 
sine  participatione  aut  divisione  cujuscunque  hominis  in  ipsa 
parrochia  manentis  aut  aliquid  tenentis ;  excepta  terra  solummodo 
Aedrici  prepositi,  et  excepta  terra  rusticorum  de  parva  Waltham, 
quam  in  mea  manu  ad  me  hospitandum  retinui.  concessi  quidem, 
dico,  et  firmiter  donavi  ecclesie  eidem  de  Hurleia  cum  toto  dominio 
meo  libere  et  quiete  in  campis  et  silvis,  pratis  et  pascuis,  pasturis 
et  molendinis,  aquis  et  piscariis  atque  piscationibus  et  cum  omnibus 
appendiciis  suis,  id  est  ecclesia  de  Waltam  cum  una  hida  terre  et 
dimidia  que  sibi  subjacent,  et  cum  socna  capelle  de  Remenham, 
et  cum  omnibus  aliis  rebus  et  decimis  et  possessionibus  in  vivo  et 
mortuo  sine  parte  et  divisione,  cum  omnibus  consuetudinibus  et 
libertatibus  illi  antiquitus  debitis,  ita  libere  et  quiete  ab  omnium 
hominum  inquietudine  et  exactione,  sicut  dominus  mens  rex  ea 
mihi  dedit  et  concessit.  dedi  etiam  predicte  ecclesie  cum 
supradictis  ea  die  qua  feci  eam  dedicare,  Osmundo  episcopo 
Saresberiensi  presente  cum  multis  aliis  magne  auctoritatis  viris 
et  personis,  terram  Aedwardi  de  Watecumba  in  dotalicium  libere 
et  quiete  cum  omnibus  sibi  pertinentibus.  qua  vero  die  supra- 
dictus  episcopus  venerabilis  pontificali  auctoritate,  assistentibus 
secum  magne  auctoritatis  et  dignitatis  personis,  confirmavit  omnes 
donationes  meas  quas  eidem  sancto  loco  pro  anime  mee  et  omnium 
heredum  meorum  salute  eterna  libere  contuli ;  scilicet,  in  omnibus 
maneriis  que  in  dominio  meo  eo  tempore  erant,  terciam  partem 


Selected  Charters 


133 


decirne  totius  annone  mee,  et  duas  partes  decime  totius  pecunie 
omnium  maneriorum  meoi-um  sine  parte  in  vivo  et  mortuo,  et 
totam  decimam  pasnagiorum  meorum  in  porcis  et  denariis  sine 
parte,  et  totam  decimam  caseorum  sine  parte,  et  totam  decimam 
lini  et  lane  sine  parte,  et  totam  decimam  puUorum  equorum  et 
vitulorum  et  pomorum  et  vinearum  sine  parte,  et  totam  decimam 
omnium  aliarum  rerum  mearum,  de  quibuscunque  juste  et  recte 
debet  deo  decima  reddi.  insuper  igitur  in  unoquoque  manerio 
totius  dominii  mei  dedi  prenominate  ecclesie  mee  de  Hurleia  unum 
rusticum  qui  octo  acras  terre  habeat  libere  et  quiete  ab  omni 
consuetudine,  et  in  parco  meo  unam  porcariam  cum  terra  porcarii, 
his  etenim  addidi  adhuc  in  insula  de  Hely  unam  piscariam  que 
reddit  unum  millearium  et  dimidium  siccarum  anguillarum,  et 
unum  presentum  anguillarum,  quadraginta  videlicet  grossas  an- 
guillas :  et  in  villa  que  Mosa  vocatur  tria  concessi  extra  prenominata 
millearia  siccorum  alleccium,  Turoldus  quidem  dapifer  mens 
concessit  eidem  ecclesie,  et  dextera  sua  super  altare  confirmavit 
cum  oblatione  Radulfii  filii  sui,  duas  partes  decime  totius  annone 
sue  de  Wochendona  et  totam  decimam  totius  pecunie  sue  in  vivo 
et  mortuo  sine  parte;  et  in  Bordesdense  totam  decimam  totius 
annone  sue  et  totius  pecunie  sue  sine  parte.  Aedricus  prepositus 
mens  totam  decimam  totius  annone  sue  et  totius  pecunie  sue 
ibidem  donavit  in  vivo  et  mortuo  sine  parte,  ego  vero  ad  exple- 
tionem  hujus  tanti  boni,  et  ad  sustentationem  solummodo  conventus 
monachorum  in  eadem  ecclesia  deo  imperpetuum  servientium, 
gratia  disponente  divina  impetravi  a  domino  meo  rege  Willelmo 
hec  omnia  ad  honorem  dei  et  ad  salutem  anime  mee  et  omnium 
heredum  meorum  mihi  succedentium  pro  loci  integritate  eterna 
et  stabilitate  confirmari,  et  quod  locus  ille,  locus  quoque  regio 
munimine  insignitus,  in  protectione  mea  et  defensione  semper  sit 
precipuus  et  mei  capud  honoris,  ab  omnium  hominum  inquietudine 
liber  et  quietus,  feci  itaque  in  eadem  die  qua  dedicata  est  ec- 
clesia, ab  eodem  episcopo  et  ab  abbate  Westmon'  Gilleberto,  cum 
multis  aliis  magne  auctoritatis  viris  et  personis,  omnes  infractores 
seu  diminutores  hujus  mee  elemosine  excommiinicari,  ut  sit 
habitatio  illorum  perpetua  cum  Juda  maledicto  proditore  domini, 
et  viventes  descendant  in  eterne  perdicionis  baratrum  cum  Dathan 
et  Chore  cum  maledictione  eterna,  nisi  emendaverint  digna  satis- 
factione.  contestor  igitur  omnes  filios  meos,  heredes  videlicet, 
et  omnes  posteros  meos  per  tremendum  dei  judicium   et  per 


134 


Gilbert  Crispin 


omnipotentiam  ejus  in  celo  et  in  ten-a,  ne  ipsi  faciant  aut  fieri 
sinant  uUam  infractionem  huic  mee  donationi ;  immo  augeant  et 
stabiliant  illam,  ita  iit  deus  augeat  et  stabiliat  dies  et  vitam  illorum 
in  eterna  beatitudine,  et  habeant  partem  in  hac  niea  elemosina 
mecum  in  celesti  requie.  Test'.  Idem  episcopus  Osmundus.  Gill' 
abbas  Westm'.  Lecelina  domina  uxor  mea.  Will'  de  magnavilla. 
Ric'  de  magnavilla.  Hugo  mascherell'.  Turoldus  de  Wochend' 
dapifer.  Goffridus  de  Wochend'.  Walt'  mascherell'.  Acelinus 
capellanus.  Agamundus  persona  de  Wochend'.  Goduuinus  de  turroc 
capellanus.  Roulf  de  Hairun.  Hacinulf  de  Grenetbrd.  Rob'  nepos 
ejus.  Engheram  pincema.  Richerius  miles.  Rog'  Blundus.  Wi- 
mundus  de  blangeo.  Aedricus  propositus.  Alfricus  cementarius. 
cum  aliis  multis  inenarrabilibus  magne  auctoritatis  et  dignitatis 
viris  et  personis  in  eadem  die  apud  Hurleiam  assistentibus.  Ex 
hac  vero  donatione  mea  et  institutione,  consilio  proborum  sumpto 
virorum,  tria  acta  sunt  brevia:  unum  apud  Westmonasterium, 
aliud  apud  eandem  ecclesiam  de  Hurleia,  tercium  mihi  et 
heredibus  meis  succedentibus,  pro  loci  integritate  etema  et 
stabilitate  reposui. 

[1085 — 6.]  See  above,  p.  33.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Ralph, 
the  son  of  Turold  the  dapifer  of  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville,  is  the  first 
youth  dedicated  to  the  priory  at  Hurley.  The  expression  '  mei  capud 
honoris '  is  a  technical  one :  '  the  chief  place  of  my  Honor.'  William 
de  Mandeville  was  Geoffrey's  son  and  heir,  and  father  of  the  notorious 
Geoffrey  de  Mandeville,  earl  of  Essex :  see  below,  nos.  15,  20.  Richard 
de  Mandeville  was  a  younger  son. 

Hugo  Mascherell  is  the  first  witness  to  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville's 
grant  of  Eye  (no.  15),  and  he  is  there  followed  by  his  brother  Roger. 
A  younger  Hugo  Mascherell  occurs  in  a  charter  of  Hen.  I,  temp.  Abbot 
Herbert  (D.  f.  579  6).  The  priory  of  nuns  at  Wix  (co.  Essex)  was 
founded  by  Walter  Mascherell,  Alexander  and  Edith,  the  children  of 
Walter  the  deacon,  who  held  the  manor  at  the  Survey :  the  charter  was 
granted  c.  1125 — 35.  Can  we  assume  any  connexion  with  the  Walter 
Mascherell  who  attests  here  ? 

'  Goduuinus  de  turroc ' :  '  Turruc '  was  held  by  the  count  of  Eu  at 
the  Survey  (Essex,  p.  63). 

Ralph  de  Hairun  and  Richerius  attest  no.  15. 

'Alfi:icus  cementarius'  was  no  doubt  the  master  mason  who  was 
engaged  on  the  building  of  the  new  priory. 


Selected  Charters 


135 


For  notes  on  the  localities  mentioned  in  this  charter,  see  St  Mary's, 
Hurley,  by  the  Reverend  F.  T.  Wethered, 

7.  Man.  3780. 

G.  de  mandavilla  vEdrico  preposito  suo  omnibusque  horainibus 
suis  de  Uualtham  salutem.  Sciatis  quod  prior  et  monachi  mei  de 
Hurleia  mihi  gi-aviter  conquesti  sunt  de  hoc  quod  boscum  suum 
absque  eis  et  eorum  licencia  tarn  male  vastatis  et  destruitis.  unde 
vobis  mando  et  super  feoda  vestra  precipio  et  defendo  ne  amodo 
vos  neque  de  aqua  sua  intromittatis,  neque  in  bosco  suo  extra 
sepes  vestras  sine  prioris  aut  suorum  documento  quicquam  capiatis. 
si  que  vero  ad  domos  vestras  reficiend[as]  necessaria  vobis  fuer[int] 
et  sepes  [in]de  precipio  [ut]  vobis  necessari[a]  prioris  vel  suorum 
documento  habeatis.  quia  omnia  que  in  ten-a  et  in  aqua  et  in 
omnibus  rebus  pro  anime  mee  atque  meorum  salute  ipsis  dedi  et 
concessi,  volo  et  firmiter  precipio  ut  ipsi  habeant  ita  b[ene]  et 
quiete  [et]  [sicut]  ea  dedi  ac  concessi  deo  et  ecclesie  mee  de 
Hurleia,  die  qua  feci  eam  dedicare,  Valete. 

[c.  1086 — 1100,]  No  precise  date  can  be  given  to  this  charter. 
For  Edric  the  prepositus,  see  the  preceding  charter.  The  spelling 
'  Mandavilla '  is  of  interest. 

8.  D.  f.  526  6. 

G.  abbas  et  conventus  Westm'  concedunt  Rotberto  filio  Suenonis 
ut  ipse  teneat  de  sancto  Petro  et  de  abbate  pro  Ix  sol'  per  singulos 
annos  terram,  scilicet  Wateleyam,  quam  pater  suus  dedit  sancto  Petro 
pro  anima  sua,  et  de  qua  terra  ipse  Rotbertus  cum  sua  matre  fecit 
donacionem  super  altare  sancti  Petri  in  eodem  die  quo  sepultus 
est  pater  suus,  videntibus  baronibus  suis  Godobaldo,  Turaldo  et 
VVillelmo  fratre  suo  et  multis  aliis,  in  presencia  abbatis  et  mona- 
chorum.  et  tarn  diu  sic  eam  teneat,  donee  pro  predicta  terra  det 
cambium  iiij  ti,  quod  abbas  et  monachi  gratanter  accipere  debeant. 
hii  sunt  termini  den':  in  ramis  palmarum  xxx  sol',  in  festivitate 
apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli  xxx  sol'. 

[c.  1087.]  This  transaction  probably  took  place  immediately  after 
the  death  of  Suain:  perhaps  soon  after  the  Survey,  in  which  he  still 
appears  as  holding  lands  in  Essex,  though  no  longer  sheriff.  See  above, 
pp.  49  f.,  and  nos.  1,  2. 


136 


Gilbert  Crispin 


9.    D.  f.  523. 

W.  dei  gracia  rex  Anglorum  Hug'  de  Bello  campo  et  fidelibus 
suis  Francis  et  Anglis  de  Buchingeham  salutem.  Sciatis  quod 
Gillebertus  abbas  Westm'  meo  precepto  deracionavit  coram  baroni- 
bus  meis,  episcopo  Dunolm',  episcopo  Winton',  Eudone  dapifero, 
Ivone  Taillebosc,  Roberto  dispensatore,  terram  de  Burnham  et 
Sippenham  per  donum  patris  mei.  et  ego  concede  ut  cum 
omnibus  consuetudinibus  terram  illam  solute  et  quiete  habeat. 
T.'  episcopus  Dunhelmi  et  episcopus  Winton'. 

[Sep.  1087 — early  in  1088.]  Probably  granted  before  Odo's  rising 
in  1088,  which  was  joined  by  William  of  St  Carileph,  the  bishop  of 
Durham.  But  it  might  be  after  William's  restoration  to  his  bishopric, 
3  Sep.  1091. 

The  style  'dei  gracia'  may  be  due  to  the  copyist:  see  above,  no  4. 

Hugh  de  Beauchamp  held  lands  at  the  Survey  chiefly  in  Bedford- 
shire. He  had  three  sons,  Simon,  Pain  (m.  Rohaise)  and  Milo :  so 
Dugdale,  Baronage  I  224,  who  concludes  that  Walter  de  Beauchamp, 
of  Elmley,  was  of  the  same  family.  Hugh  is  mentioned  as  having 
been  witness  of  a  grant  made  by  Robert  Dispensator,  whose  niece 
Walter  married  (see  below,  no.  27), 

Eudo  dapifer  was  son  of  Hubert  de  Rie,  a  Norman  noble  said  to 
have  been  sent  by  Duke  William  to  K.  Edward.  For  his  story,  see 
Monasticon  iv  604.  He  succeeded  W.  fitz  Osbern  as  dapifer  to  Will.  I, 
and  served  also  under  Will.  II,  whom  he  had  greatly  assisted  by 
securing  Dover  and  other  ports  on  the  Conqueror's  death.  Will.  II 
granted  him  Colchester,  where  he  founded  a  monastery  in  1096.  At 
the  beginning  of  Henry's  reign,  he  was  suspected  of  favouring  the 
claims  of  Duke  Robert ;  but  Henry  feared  to  strike  him  on  account  of 
his  powerful  connexions.  For  he  had  married  Rohaise,  daughter  of 
Richard  fitz  Gilbert  and  his  wife  Rohaise  (sister  of  William  Giffard 
who  became  bp  of  Winchester).  By  the  intervention  of  the  bishop 
and  of  Peter  de  Valognes,  who  had  married  Eudo's  sister,  he  regained 
the  royal  favour.  He  was  buried  at  Colchester  on  the  same  day  as  his 
nephew  Walter  Giffard,  the  last  day  of  Feb.  1120;  for  the  last  fifteen 
years  of  his  life  he  was  blind,  and  apparently  resided  at  his  castle  at 
Pr^aux,  where  he  died.  It  is  difficult  to  distinguish  between  fact  and 
fiction  in  Eudo's  story ;  but  it  may  be  taken  as  practically  certain  that 
he  died  at  his  castle  in  Normandy  in  the  winter  of  1119 — 20  (Round, 
Eng.  Hist.  Rev.  xvi  728).    No.  18  below  is  addressed  to  him. 


Selected  Charters 


137 


Deradonavit  =  'made  good  his  claim  to':  cf.  no.  12.  For  Burnham 
and  Sippenham,  see  above,  p.  48,  and  below,  no.  37. 

10.  Faust.  A.  Ill,  f.  76. 

Willelmns  rex  Angl'  Mauricio  Lond'  episcopo  et  Gaufrido  de 
magna  villa  et  vie'  et  omnibus  baronibus  Lond'  Francis  et  Anglis 
salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  Westm' 
ecclesiam  Niwecerch'  liberam  et  quietam  et  solutam  ab  omni 
calumpnia,  sicut  Agelwardus  clericus  predicto  apostolo  dedit,  et 
sicut  pater  meus  per  breve  suum  concessit,  et  prohibeo  ne  aliquis 
eis  inde  aliquam  torturam  faciat,  vel  aliquis  aliquam  intromis- 
sionem  habeat,  nisi  per  concessionem  abbatis  et  monachorum. 
T.'  G.  episcopo  de  Const',  W.  episcopo  Dunelm',  R.  Bigot,  apud 
Winton'. 

[Sep.  1087 — early  in  1088.]  The  bishops  of  Coutances  and  Durham 
joined  Odo's  rising  in  1088.  The  MS  has  '  Henricus '  for  '  Willelmus  ' ; 
but  this  is  impossible,  for  Bp  Geoffrey  died  in  1093.  The  rubric 
assigns  it  to  Henry  II,  but  it  must  be  Will.  II.  For  the  charter  of 
Will.  I,  here  referred  to,  see  above,  no.  5. 

For  Bp  Maurice,  see  above,  no.  5. 

11.  D.  f.  529,  Faust.  A.  in,  f.  64. 

W.  rex  Angl'  Francis  et  Anglis  de  Lundon'  salutem.  Sciatis 
me  concedere  sancto  Petro  Westm'  ecclesiam  sancte  Marie 
Newecirce  et  omnes  res  pertinentes  ad  eam,  quam  Aluuardus  de 
Lundon'  ei  dederat.  et  precipio  ut  ita  solutam  et  quietam  habeat 
sicut  pater  meus  precepit  per  breve  suum.  T.'  com'  Alanus  et 
Milo  Crispinus  et  Rogerus  Bygod. 

[1087—1100.]  Count  Alan,  of  Richmond  (Yorks.),  was  a  Breton 
follower  of  the  Conqueror. 

For  Milo  Crispin,  see  above,  p.  17  :  the  next  two  charters  are  also 
attested  by  him. 

In  both  chartularies  this  writ  is  wrongly  assigned  to  Will.  I,  see 
above,  no.  5.  With  the  address  comp.  the  Rutland  charter  of  Will.  I, 
D.  f.  621:  '  W.  rex  Angl'  Francis  et  Anglis  salutem^' 

'  This  charter,  which  grants  to  Abbot  Gilbert  the  churches  held  by  '  Albertua 
Lotharingus,'  is  quoted  in  full  from  Monasticon  [i  301]  by  Dr  Round  in  his  interesting 
identification  of  this  Lotharingian  cleric  {Commune  of  Loudon,  37).  Under  Will.  II  these 
churches  are  held  by  'Osbernus  clericus'  (below,  no.  14). 


138 


Gilbert  Crispm 


12.  Faust.  A.  Ill,  f.  55,  Lib.  Nig.  f.  25. 

Willelmus  rex  Angl'  Hugoni  de  Bokel'  et  vicecomifci  et  omni- 
bus fidelibus  suis  de  Middelsexa  salutem.  Sciatis  quod  volo  et 
firmiter  precipio  quod  terra  de  Gyveneya  que  est  pastura  de 
manerio  de  Stanes,  quam  Vitalis  abbas  tempore  patris  mei 
contra  Walterum  filium  Oteri  deracionavit  ad  opus  ecclesie  sancti 
Petri  Westm',  sit  in  pace ;  ita  ut  nuUus  illi  molestiam  aut  inquie- 
tudinem  inde  faciat;  neque  abbas  Gislebertus  ejusdem  loci  alicui 
inde  respondeat  nisi  coram  episcopis  et  baronibus  justificatoribus, 
qui  fuerunt  ibi  ubi  ipsa  terra  deracionata  fuit.  neque  uUo  modo 
consentire  volo  ut  aliquis  inde  quicquam  toUat  aut  minuat;  sed 
in  ea  concessione  et  stabilitate  qua  a  rege  Edwardo  donata  est 
sine  aliqua  imminucione  permaneat.  Testibus  Alano  comite, 
Rogero  Bygod,  Milone  Crispino,  Gofifrido  de  magna  villa,  et 
pluribus  aliis. 

[1087—1100.]  The  Hist.  AUngd.  (Rolls  S.  ii  7)  tells  us  that  Walter 
fitz  Oter  was  keeper  of  Windsor  Castle  early  in  the  reign  of  Will.  I ; 
and  that  he  had  then  appropriated  certain  land,  which  he  long  after- 
wards restored  to  that  monastery  {ib.  29)  when  the  new  church  was 
consecrated,  c.  1095. 

Of  Hugh  de  Buckland  we  read  in  the  History  oj  Abingdon,  ii  43 : 
'  et  Berchescire  vicecomes  et  publicarum  judiciarius  compellationum 
a  rege  constitutus ' ;  ib.  117,  'qui  non  solum  Berchescirae,  sed  etiam 
aliis  vii  sciris  praeerat  vicecomes,  adeo  erat  nominatus  vir  et  carus  regi.' 
He  was  still  living  in  May  1114  (ib.  147),  but  in  1119  William  de 
Buckland  was  sheriff  of  Berkshire  {ib.  160).  See  below,  nos.  20,  27, 
29,  37  and  38. 

13.  D.  f.  129. 

G.  abbas  Westm'  concessit  Guntero  homini  suo  et  heredi  illius 
manerium  Hendon'  in  feudo  firme,  pro  una  plenaria  septimana 
firme  quoque  anno.  Testes :  Milo  Crispinus,  Gislebertus  Pipardus, 
Robertus  prior  et  conventus  monasterii  in  capitulo. 

[1086 — 1102.]  The  lower  limit  is  given  by  the  appointment  of 
Robert  to  the  abbey  of  St  Edmund  in  1102 :  see  above,  p.  29. 

Shortly  before  his  death  in  1107  Milo  Crispin  made  a  grant  to 
Abingdon  abbey,  which  was  placed  on  the  altar  by  '  Gillebertus 
Pipardus,'  his  dapifer  {Hist.  Ab.  ll  97).    Somewhat  later  '  Gillebertus 


Selected  Charter i 


139 


Pipard '  occurs  with  '  Hugo  fil'  Milonis '  as  present  at  Waddesdon  (co. 
Bucks.)  when  a  grant  is  made  to  the  same  abbey  {ib.  109).    As  the 
name  is  uncommon,  we  may  note  that  Walter  and  Robert  Pipard  attest 
a  Bee  charter  c.  1147  (Round,  Doc.  'pres.  in  France,  p.  121). 
For  una  plenaria  septimana  firme,  see  above,  p.  42. 

14.  D.  f.  621,  Faust.  A.  ill,  f.  65. 

W.  rex  Angl'  W.  vicecom'  salutem.  Mando  et  precipio  tibi  ut 
facias  omnem  rectitudinem  abbati  Westm'  de  ecclesiis  de  Rotelanda, 
quas  Osbemus  clericus  tenet  de  illo ;  et  omnes  consuetudines  quas 
ecclesie  per  rectum  habere  debent,  fac  eum  habere,  sicut  habuerunt 
tempore  patris  mei.    T.'  Rannulfus  Passseflamblart. 

[1087 — 99.]  Ranulf  Flambard  was  consecrated  to  Durham  5  June 
1099.  The  form  of  the  attestation  is  noteworthy :  for  he  usually  attests 
as  '  Ranulfus  capellanus  '  before  he  became  the  bishop  of  Durham. 

For  these  Rutland  churches,  see  above,  no.  11  (note). 

Faust.  A.  Ill  reads  Hoshertus,  and  Ranulfo  passeflamhard' . 

15.  D.  f.  103,  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  281  h,  Lib.  Nig.  f.  5  h. 

Ego  Gofifridus  de  magna  villa  pro  anima  mea  et  pro  anima 
conjugis  mee  Athelais  in  claustro  sancti  Petri  sepulte,  qui  etiam 
juxta  earn  sepeliendus  sum ;  pro  animabus  quoque  filiorum  filia- 
rumque  mearum ;  dedi  sancto  Petro  Westmon'  maneriolum  quod 
juxta  ecclesiam  ejus  habebam,  scilicet  Eye,  in  perpetuam  heredi- 
tatem,  sicut  illud  unquam  melius  tenui.  et  hoc  donum  deo  et 
sancto  Petro  cum  uxore  mea  Letselina  concessione  filii  mei 
Willelmi  quem  mihi  heredem  facere  disposui,  quos  etiam  hujus 
elemosine  participes  fieri  per  omnia  volo,  super  altare  predict! 
apostoli  Petri  presentavi  in  presencia  Gisleberti  abbatis  et  mona- 
chorum  et  multorum  militum  meorum  et  suorum:  et  continue  per 
Radulfum  de  Hairun  de  predicto  manerio  sanctum  Petrum  saisiri 
feci.  hujus  igitur  concessionis  testes  sunt  Hugo  Maskereal, 
Rogerius  frater  ejus,  Willelmus  fil'  Martelli,  Richerius,  Radulfus 
de  Hairun,  Goiffridus  nepos  ejus,  Willelmus  nepos  Turaldi, 
Goffridus  miles  ejus,  Leuricus  Cnivet,  Gofiridus  et  multi  alii. 

[1087 — 97.]  As  the  next  charter  confirms  this,  and  as  Hen.  I  in 
no.  20  speaks  of  the  grant  as  made  by  his  brother,  I  have  assigned  the 
same  limits  to  this  charter  as  to  the  next. 


140 


Gilbert  Crispin 


Hugo  Mascherell,  Roulf  de  Hairun  and  Richerius  miles  attest  the 
Hurley  foundation  charter,  no.  6. 

For  the  burial  of  Athelais,  see  no.  1. 

16.  D.  f  103,  Lib.  Nig.  f.  5h. 

Willelmus  rex  Anglorum  baronibus  suis  et  omnibus  fidelibus 
Francis  et  Anglis  de  Middelsexa  salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse 
deo  et  sancto  Petro  Westm'  et  Gisleberto  abbati  manerium  de  Eye, 
quod  GofFridus  de  magna  villa  et  uxor  ejus  dederunt  eidem  ecclesie 
pro  animabus  eorum.  et  volo  et  concedo  ut  omnes  leges  et  consue- 
tudines  quiete  et  solute  in  illo  manerio  habeat  sanctus  Petrus  et 
abbas ;  hoc  est,  sacam  et  socam,  toll  et  theam,  latronem  et  omnes 
consuetudines  in  via  et  extra,  in  festo  et  extra,  et  defendo  ne 
aliquis  sit  ausus  ei  vel  suis  hominibus  inde  super  hoc  aliquam 
injuriam  facere.  T.'  Walchelinus  episcopus  et  Haim'  et  alii,  apud 
London'. 

[1087—97.]    See  Henry  I's  confirmation,  no.  20. 
Walkelin  bp  of  Winchester  died  3  Jan.  1098. 

Haimo  dapifer  was  brother  of  the  famous  Robert  fitz  Haimo,  for 
whom  see  Professor  Tout's  art.  '  Fitzhamon '  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biogr.  They 
may  have  been  sons  of '  Haimo  vicecomes,'  who  holds  lands  in  Kent  and 
Surrey  at  the  Survey.  Both  brothers  attest  K.  Henry's  letter  inviting 
Anselm  to  return  in  1100.  Robert  died  in  1107,  but  Haimo  was  still 
living  in  1113. 

17.  D.  f.  254. 

W.  rex  Anglorum  P.  vicecomiti  et  omnibus  ministris  suis  sal'. 
Sciatis  me  concedere  abbati  Gisleberto  in  manerio  de  Feringes 
soccam  et  saccam  in  omnibus  rebus,  in  via  et  extra  viam,  in  festo 
die  et  extra,  latronem  et  omnes  illas  leges  et  consuetudines  quas  et 
Vi talis  abbas  et  alii  antecessores  ejus  tempore  regis  Edwardi 
habuerunt.    T.'  abbas  Beccensis,  W.  camerarius  et  alii. 

[1093.]  Peter  de  Valognes  was  sheriff  of  Essex  at  the  Survey.  An 
earlier  grant,  which  gives  Fering  and  three  houses  at  Colchester  which 
belonged  to  Harold,  as  part  of  the  exchange  for  Windsor,  is  addressed 
to  Suain  as  sheri{F  (D.  f.  254).  The  mention  in  the  present  grant  of  its 
having  been  held  by  abbots  imder  K.  Edward  is  an  error  more  likely  to 
have  been  made  under  Will.  II  than  under  Will.  I.    It  would  appear 


Selected  Charten 


141 


therefore  to  belong  to  the  period  between  6  March  and  5  Sept.  1093, 
when  Anselm  was  still  refusing  to  accept  the  archbishopric. 
For  William  the  chamberlain,  see  no.  4. 

18.  D.  £  363,  Faust.  A.  iii,  f  78  6. 

H.  rex  Angl'  Eudoni  dapifero  et  Herbert©  camerario  salutem. 
Precipio  quod  conventus  Westm'  et  Winton'  et  Gloecestrie  in 
omnibus  festivitatibus  quibus  in  eisdem  ecclesiis  coronatus  fuero 
plenariam  de  me  habeant  liberacionem,  et  eainim  cantores  unciam 
auri  habeant,  sicut  Mauricius  episcopus  Lundon'  testatus  est 
tempore  predecessorum  meorum  eos  habuisse.  T'.  Willelmo  electo 
Wint'  apud  Westm'. 

[1100.]  Probably  issued  on  the  occasion  of  Henry's  coronation  at 
Westminster,  5  Aug.  1100.  It  was  the  habit  of  William  the  Conqueror 
to  wear  his  crown  at  the  three  great  festivals,  and  in  this  he  probably 
continued  the  practice  of  his  predecessor. 

William  Giffard  was  appointed  to  Winchester  immediately  on 
Henry's  accession  and  before  his  coronation.  He  was  present  at  the 
council  held  at  Westminster,  20  Sep.  1102;  but  refusing  to  be  conse- 
crated by  Gerard,  abp  of  York,  he  was  banished.  He  accompanied 
Anselm  to  Rome  in  1103.  Shortly  afterwards  he  appears  to  have  been 
restored :  he  was  one  of  the  bishops  who  urged  Anselm  to  return  in 
1106.  He  was  consecrated  11  Aug.  1107,  and  died  25  Jan.  1129.  He 
had  been  chancellor  to  William  Rufus,  and  continued  to  act  for  a  short 
time  under  Hen.  I.    See  below,  no.  21. 

Herbert  the  chamberlain  is  mentioned  below  in  no.  27  as  witnessing 
a  grant  c.  1087 — 97  ('  Herbertus  camerarius  regis  de  Winton').  See 
also  Hist.  Ahingd.  ll  43  (end  of  Will.  I's  reign) :  '  regis  cubicularius  et 
thesaurarius ' ;  and  ih.  54  (c.  1102). 

19.  Faust.  A.  Ill,  f.  67. 

Henricus  rex  Anglorum  Gisleberto  vicecomiti  de  Suthreia 
salutem.  Mando  et  precipio  ut  dimittas  esse  quietam  terram 
sancti  Petri  Westm'  et  abbatis  Gisleberti  que  est  in  dominio  meo 
infra  parcum  et  forestam  de  Windlesor',  et  nominatim  viii  hidas 
de  manerio  de  Piriford  quod  pater  mens  concessit  eidem  ecclesie 
amodo  semper  liberas  ab  omni  geldo  et  scotto  et  omnibus  aliis 
rebus,  et  nominatim  clamo  eas  quietas  de  novo  geldo  propter 
hidagium  et  de  omnibus  aliis  geldis  sicut  pater  mens  et  frater 
concesserunt  per  brevia  sua.    T'.  R,  Bigot  apud  Bisselegam. 


142 


Gilbert  Crispin 


[1100 — 1107.]  Gilbert  of  Surrey  was  sheriff  of  Surrey,  Cambridge- 
shire and  Hunts,  in  1114  (Round,  Commune,  122).  This  charter 
(attested  by  Roger  Bigod,  see  no.  4)  shews  that  he  was  sheriff  of 
Surrey  at  least  as  early  as  1107.  A  charter  regarding  Battersea 
granted  to  Abbot  Herbert,  probably  in  1121,  is  also  addressed  to 
Gilbert  as  sheriff  (D.  f.  168).  Fulk,  his  nephew,  was  sheriff  not  later 
than  1126  (Round,  ih.  121). 

Possibly  the  phrase  '  de  novo  geldo  propter  hidagium  '  may  help  to 
fix  the  date  of  this  charter  more  precisely. 

The  charter  of  William  here  referred  to  is  the  well-known  Piriford 
charter  printed  above,  p.  29  (note). 

20.  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  73  b,  Lib.  Nig.  f.  6. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  H.  de  Boch'  et  W,  camerario  et  W.  de  magna 
villa  et  omnibus  fidelibus  suis  Francis  et  Anglis  de  Middelsex' 
salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  Westm'  et 
Gilleberto  abbati  donum  quod  Goffridus  de  magna  villa  et  uxor 
ejus  dederunt  eis  pro  animabus  eorum,  terram  dico  de  Eye. 
et  volo  et  precipio  ut  bene  et  honorifice  teneat  ipse  abbas,  et  sicut 
Willelmus  frater  mens  concessit  per  breve  suum.  Testibus  Matild' 
regina  et  W.  cancellario  apud  London'. 

[1100 — 1.]  Q.  Matilda  was  married  and  crowned  11  Nov.  1100. 
William  Giffard  was  chancellor  until  he  was  succeeded  by  Roger 
(afterwards  bp  of  Salisbury)  in  Sep.  1101. 

This  charter  suggests  that  William  de  Mandeville  had  succeeded 
his  father  as  sheriff  of  Middlesex.  About  the  same  time  William  Avas 
in  charge  of  the  Tower  of  London,  where  Ranulf  Flambard  was  im- 
prisoned in  Aug.  or  Sep.  1100,  till  his  escape  about  Feb.  1101  (Ord. 
Vit.  bk  10,  c.  18). 

The  charters  referred  to  in  this  confirmation  are  printed  above, 
nos.  15,  16. 

21.  D.  f.  529,  Faust.  A.  iii,  f  67  6. 

H.  rex  Angl'  W.  Giffardo  episcopo  Winton'  et  omnibus  baronibus 
suis  Francis  et  Anglis  de  Suthregia  salutem.  Sciatis  me  dedisse 
deo  et  sancto  Petro  et  abbati  Gileberto  et  monachis  ecclesie 
Westm'  iiij'"'  hidas  in  Totinges,  ut  eas  ita  bene  et  plenarie  et 
honorifice  teneant  et  habeant  sicut  habuerunt  tempore  patris  mei 
et  antecessorum  meonim.    et  prohibeo  super  forisfacturam  meam 


Selected  Charters 


143 


ne  ullus  eis  inde  injuriam  faciat,  neque  abbas  inde  alicui  nisi  ante 
me  respondeat.  T'.  Roberto  comite  Mellent'  et  Nig'  de  Oleio, 
apud  Winton'. 

[1100 — East.  1116.]  The  lower  limit  is  given  by  the  king's  de- 
parture for  Normandy  in  the  year  before  Abbot  Gilbert's  death.  The 
writ  may  have  been  addressed  to  William  Giffard  before  his  con- 
secration in  Aug.  1107. 

I  give  the  chief  variants  of  Faust.  A.  ill  to  illustrate  the  freedom 
with  which  charters  were  copied  into  chartularies :  om.  suis,  concessisse 
(for  dedisse),  Gisleberto,  Rodberto  comite  de  Mellent  et  Nigillo  de  Oleyo. 

For  Robert  count  of  Meulan  (f  1118),  see  no.  4;  and  for  Nigel  de 
Oleio,  no.  1. 

22.  D.  f.  254,  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  74. 

H.  rex  Angl'  omnibus  baronibus  et  rainistris  suis  de  Esex'  sal'. 
Volo  ut  sanctus  Petrus  de  Westm'  ita  quietam  et  liberam  habeat 
cum  omnibus  consuetudinibus  omnem  terram  de  Ferynges  et  de 
Okendune  sicut  pater  mens  concessit  et  dedit.  et  precipio  ut  super 
hoc  nuUus  ei  injuriam  faciat.  T'.  Willelmo  de  Curceio  apud 
Havering'. 

[1100 — c.  1109.]  William  de  Curci  was  a  benefactor  to  Abingdon 
Abbey:  in  confirming  a  grant  of  his,  23  Oct.  1105,  the  king  speaks  of 
him  as  'dapifer  meus'  {Hist.  Ah.  ii  54).  He  attests  at  Westminster, 
Whits.  1107:  also  at  Winchester,  Matilda's  charter  {ih.  116)  between 
July  1108  and  May  1109  (or  between  Aug.  1111  and  the  summer  of 
1113):  also  other  charters  c.  1105 — 7  (always  by  his  full  name,  and  not 
as  'dapifer'). 

This  seems  to  justify  our  placing  this  charter  early  in  Henry's  reign: 
but  as  William  de  Curci  was  succeeded  by  a  son  of  that  name  {ih.  54  f.), 
it  may  conceivably  be  later. 

Orderic  Vitalis  has  much  to  say  about  Richard  de  Curci  (of  Courci- 
sur-Dives),  and  of  his  son  and  grandson,  both  named  Robert:  but 
nothing  of  the  English  branch  of  the  family. 

For  '  Okendune '  see  above,  p.  49. 

23.  Ch.  XXX  (copies  in  D.  f.  482,  Faust.  A.  ill,  f  75  h). 

H.  rex  Angl'  omnibus  vie'  suis  in  quorum  vicecomit'  elemosina 
pauperum  Westm'  habet  terras  sal'.    Sciatis  me  clamasse  liberam 


144 


Gilbert  Crispin 


et  quietam  terrg  elemosing  de  Westm'  de  placitis  et  querelis  et 
sciris  et  hundr',  et  murdr',  et  a  scotis  et  auxiliis,  et  de  wardp'  et  de 
omnibus  occasionibus  et  consuetudinibus :  scilicet  terrain  Padinton' 
et  Fenton'  et  Cleigate ;  et  quicquid  habuit  in  villa  vel  silva  de 
Ditona  tempore  regis  Eadwardi  et  patris  mei,  sicut  carte  eorum 
testantur,  volo  ut  plenar'  habeat.    T',  Math'  regina,  apud  Lund'. 

[1100 — 16.]  There  is  nothing  to  fix  the  date  within  narrower  limits. 
For  Fanton  (co.  Essex)  see  above,  p.  49.  In  the  Domesday  Survey  the 
monks  of  Westminster  were  accused  of  holding  it  per  falsum  breve. 

24.  Ch.  xxix  (copy  in  D.  f  482). 

H.  rex  Angl'  omnibus  vicecomitibus  in  quorum  vicecomitatu 
elemosina  pauperum  Westmonasterii  habet  terras  sal'.  Sciatis  me 
clamasse  liberam  et  quietam  terram  elemosine  de  Westmonasterio 
de  placitis  et  scotis  et  auxiliis  et  omnibus  querelis  et  omnibus  aliis 
consuetudinibus:  scilicet  terram  Patintonse  et  Fantona  et  Clai- 
gata ;  et  quicquid  habuit  in  tempore  regis  Edwardi  in  silva  Dittong 
et  in  omnibus  aliis  locis,  volo  ut  habeat.  et  defendo  ne  aliquis 
inde  injuriam  faciat :  quia  hoc  facio  pro  anima  patris  et  fratris 
mei,  et  pro  salute  anime  mee  et  Mathildis  regine  uxoris  mee  et 
subolis  mee.  T'.  Math'  regina,  apud  Lond'  post  purific'  sancte 
Marie. 

[Feb.  1103—16.]  The  queen's  first  child  was  born  in  Aug.  1101,  but 
died  in  infancy;  the  second  was  Matilda,  bom  in  Aug.  1102:  William 
was  born  the  next  year. 

A  third  charter  combines  the  privileges  of  this  and  the  preceding 
one  (D.  {.  482),  '  precatu  regine,'  '  T'.  ejusdem  regine  apud  Lond'.' 

25.  D.  f  525. 

Domino  suo  episcopo  R.  et  baronibus  Lincoln'  Hugo  de  Euremou 
salutem.  Sciatis  me  reddidisse  sancto  Petro  Westm'  manerium  de 
Dotinton';  quia  manerium  quod  pro  illo  dederam  sancto  Petro 
rex  a  me  accepit,  et  comiti  Eustachio  reddidit ;  nec  volo  ut  causa 
mei  ecclesia  dei  ullo  modo  dampnum  habeat. 

[1102 — 3.]    See  note  on  the  next  charter. 

Robert  Bloet,  bp  of  Lincoln,  was  consecrated  12  Feb.  1094,  and  died 
10  Jan.  1123. 


Selected  Charters 


146 


26.    D.  f.  525,  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  74. 

Henricus  rex  Anglorum  R.  episcopo  Lincoln'  et  R.  filio  Ran- 
nulfi  et  omnibus  baronibus  suis  Francis  et  Anglis  de  Lincolnesire 
salutem.  Sciatis  quia  me  presente  et  concedente  Hugo  de  Euremou 
reddidit  sancto  Petro  Westm'  et  abbati  Gisleberto  manerium  de 
Dotintune,  quod  ab  eodem  abbate  coram  fratre  meo  rege  Willelmo 
ipse  Hugo  accepcrat  in  cambium  pro  manerio  de  Ducesuuorthe 
quod  abbati  Gisleberto  dederat.  sed  ego  manerium  de  Duces- 
uuorthe comiti  Eustachio  reddidi,  et  inde  Hugoni  cambium  dedi ; 
et  propterea  Hugo  sancto  Petro  manerium  suum  reddidit.  T'. 
episcopus  Lincoln'  R.,  Henricus  comes  de  Warwihc,  Gislebertus 
filius  Ricardi,  Willelmus  de  Werewast  et  multi  alii  apud  Westm' 
in  pentecosten. 

[Whits.  1102 — 3.]  '  Dochesworde '  (co.  Camb.)  belonged  at  the 
Survey  to  Eustace  count  of  Boulogne,  senior:  see  further.  Feud.  Eng. 
463.  Early  in  1088  Count  Eustace  junior  received  Odo  into  Rochester 
castle,  capturing  him  ('  calliditate  episcopi,'  it  was  said)  when  he  came 
to  demand  its  surrender  to  Rufus.  The  king  afterwards  took  the 
castle,  and  banished  them  both.  Eustace  took  the  Cross  in  1096, 
returned  in  1100,  and  married  Maria,  sister  of  Q.  Maud,  at  the  end  of 

1102  (Sim.  of  Durh.  Rolls  S.  ll  216,  227,  232,  235,  mainly  from  Florence 
of  Wore).  It  was  doubtless  about  this  time  that  Hugh  de  Euremou 
restored  Doddington  to  the  abbey,  as  the  king  had  given  back  to 
Eustace  his  old  manor  of  '  Dochesworde.'    See  above,  p.  46. 

Hugo  de  Euremou  attests  an  Abingdon  charter,  dated  in  Lent  1111 
{Hist.  Ah.  II  73). 

Gilbert  fitz  Richard  of  Clare  (or,  Gilbert  of  Tunbridge)  was  the  son 
of  Richard  fitz  Gilbert  (f  c.  1090),  for  whom  see  no.  1.  He  is  first 
mentioned  as  fortifying  Tunbridge  castle  against  Rufus,  1088  (together 
with  Roger  his  brother) ;  next  as  warning  Rufus  against  an  ambuscade, 
1095.  He  settled  in  Wales  1107(?):  attests  his  mother's  charter,  1113; 
died  1114  (or  1117)  after  a  long  illness  (Round,  Diet.  Nat.  Biogr.). 

William  Warelwast  was  much  out  of  England  from  the  autumn  of 

1103  until  Anselm's  return.  He  was  consecrated  to  Exeter  in  August 
1107. 

I  give  the  following  variants  from  Faust.  A.  ill:  AngV,  Ranulphi, 
Lincolnescire,  Gilleberto,  Dudinton,  Ducesworth,  manerium  suum  sancto 
Petro,  R,  episcopo  Lincoln ,  Warewik,  om.  multi:  all  the  attestations 
are  in  the  ablative  case. 

R.  c.  10 


146 


Gilbert  Crispin 


27.    D,  f.  313  Z). 

Robertus  dispensator  reddidit  in  vita  sua  sancto  Petro  Westm' 
pro  aniraa  sua  terram  et  manerium  Cumbrinton,  quod  de  beneficio 
ejusdem  ecclesie  emerat  a  Gisleberto  fil'  Toraldi :  et  insuper  red- 
didit eidem  ecclesie  terram  quam  de  abbate  Gisleberto  ejusdem 
monasterii  ad  firmam  tenebat  in  manerio  ipsius  ecclesie,  quod 
dicitur  Wich  et  est  membrum  manerii  de  Persore.  Testes  hujus 
reddicionis  sunt :  episcopus  Walchelinus,  Urso  frater  ejusdem 
Roberti,  Herbertus  camerarius  regis  de  Winton',  Ivo  Taillebosc; 
et  homines  ipsius  Roberti,  Godardus,  Robertus  de  Echinton,  Hugo 
de  Holauesssel ;  de  aliis  baronibus  regis,  Hugo  de  Belcampo, 
Willelmus  Bainardus,  Petrus  de  Valunnis,  Willelmus  camerarius, 
Hugo  de  Bochelanda,  Otto  aurifex,  et  multi  alii  clerici  et  laici ; 
homines  ipsius  abbatis,  Otbert  de  Surreia,  Willelmus  clericus, 
Girardus  frater  ejus,  Hugo  de  Coleham,  Richerius.  banc  red- 
dicionem  presente  episcopo  Walchelino  et  predictis  testibus  posu- 
erunt  super  altare  sancti  Petri  uxor  ipsius  Roberti  et  Urso  frater 
ejusdem  Roberti  per  duo  candelabra  argentea,  unum  turribulum, 
unum  pallium,  unum  tapete. 

[1100 — c.  1108.]  This  memorandum  was  probably  drawn  up  when 
application  was  being  made  for  K.  Henry's  confirmation  (which  here 
follows).  Robert  Dispensator,  the  brother  of  the  notorious  Urse 
d'Abetot,  had  bought  the  manor  of  Comberton  (co.  Wore.)  from  Gilbert 
fitz  Thorold,  who  appears  as  holding  it  at  the  time  of  the  Survey. 
Robert  also  held  in  farm  from  Abbot  Gilbert  a  member  of  the  Pershore 
manor,  called  Wich.  Both  these  properties  he  had  given  back  to  the 
abbey  in  his  lifetime. 

As  the  leading  witness  to  this  restoration.  Bp  Walkelin,  died  3  Jan. 
1098,  and  as  the  properties  had  come  into  Robert's  hands  after  1086, 
we  may  date  the  restoration  somewhere  within  the  first  ten  years  of 
Will.  II's  reign  (probably  towards  the  end  of  that  period). 

For  Herbert  the  chamberlain,  see  above,  no.  18 ;  and  for  Ivo  Taille- 
bois,  no.  4. 

Robert  de  Echintone  came  from  Eckington,  the  next  village  to 
Comberton:  it  is  abbey  land  in  Domesday  (Aichintune),  and  the  patron- 
age of  the  living  is  still  with  the  Dean  and  Chapter. 

For  Hugh  de  Beauchamp  see  no.  9 :  for  William  Bainard,  above, 
p.  39 :  for  Peter  de  Valognes,  no.  19 :  for  William  the  chamberlain, 
no.  4:  and  for  Hugh  de  Buckland,  no.  12. 


Selected  Charters 


147 


For  Otto  the  goldsmith, '  lord  of  Gestingthorpe,'  and  his  descendants, 
hereditary  masters  of  the  mint,  see  Dr  Round  in  V.  C.  Hist.  Essex,  i 
351.  He  appears  in  the  Survey  as  Otto  aurifaher.  He  was  employed 
by  Rufus  to  make  his  father's  tomb  at  St  Stephen's,  Caen:  '  auri  et 
argenti  gemmarumque  copiam  Othoni  aurifabro  erogavit,  et  super 
patris  sui  mausoleum  fieri  mirificum  memoriale  precepit,'  Ord.  Vit., 
bk  viii,  c.  1).  He  appears  in  a  charter  [1104 — 7]  printed  in  Hist.  Rev. 
XXIV  427:  'Othoni  aurifabro  de  Lond'.' 

For  Hugh  de  Coleham,  see  above,  p.  30.  A  knight  named  Richerius 
attests  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville's  charters,  above,  nos.  6  and  15. 

28.    D.  f.  313  6,  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  74. 

H.  rex  Angl'  Ur'  de  Ab'  et  baronibus  suis  de  Wirecestrascira 
salutem.  Sciatis  me  concessisse  sancto  Petro  Westm'  terra  de 
Cumbertona,  quam  Robertus  dispensator  dedit  ecclesie  sancti 
Petri  de  Westm' :  et  volo  et  precipio  ut  bene  et  honorifice  teneat, 
et  nullus  ei  injuriam  faciat.   T'.  Rob'  Line'  episcopo  apud  Windres'. 

[1100 — c.  1108.]  This  charter  must  be  dated  after  Robert's  death 
and  before  that  of  Urse  his  brother.  But  neither  of  these  dates  appears 
to  be  known.  If  we  may  assume,  from  the  fact  that  Robert's  restoration 
was  made  at  Westminster  on  his  behalf  by  his  wife  and  brother,  that 
he  himself  was  sick  and  dying,  we  should  place  his  death  not  later 
than  1097.  He  attests  the  grant  of  the  city  of  Bath  to  Bishop  John 
(1094 — 97),  printed  by  W.  Hunt  in  Somerset  Record  Society,  Bath 
Cartulary,  I,  no.  38.  His  non-appearance  in  the  list  of  reliefs  demanded 
on  the  vacancy  of  the  bishopric  of  Worcester  in  1095  (Feud.  Eng.  309) 
might  be  due  to  his  recent  death  having  left  his  fief  in  the  king's 
hands.  This  however  is  but  conjecture;  and  it  may  be  that  there  are 
known  facts  to  the  contrary.  The  date  of  Urse's  death,  I  gather,  is 
not  earlier  than  1108  {Feud.  Eng.  170). 

Variants  of  Faust.  A.  ill  are :  Abet',  Wircestrascira,  deo  et  sancto 
Petro,  terram,  Rodbertus,  R.  episcopo  Line,  Windelsoras. 

29.    D.  f.  516  6. 

H.  rex  Angl'  H.  de  Bokelande  et  vie'  omnibusque  fidelibus  ac 
ministris  suis  Francis  et  Anglis  London'  salutem.  Sciatis  me 
concessisse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  ac  monachis  Westm'  illas  ten-as 
quas  tres  filie  Deormanni  pro  salute  animarum  suarum  et  sepul- 
turis  suis,  et  ut  plenam  haberent  ejusdem  ecclesie  societatem, 

10—2 


148 


Gilbert  Crispin 


consilio  et  voluntate  Ordgari  fratris  earum,  in  Lundon'  eis  de- 
demnt.  unde  volo  et  firmiter  precipio  ut  bene  quiete  honorifice 
et  absque  omni  calumpnia,  cum  saca  et  soca,  consuetudinibus  et 
legibus,  illas  teneant.  et  defendo  et  omnimodis  prohibeo  ut  nullus 
molestiam  aut  torturam  illis  inde  faciat.  T'.  R.  cane'  et  G.  de 
Clinton'  et  R.  Basset. 

[1107 — c.  1115.]  The  upper  limit  is  given  by  Ranulf  as  chancellor 
(see  no.  35),  the  lower  by  the  address  to  Hugh  de  Buckland,  who  seems 
to  have  died  c.  1115  (see  nos.  37,  38). 

'  Orgarus  filius  Deremanni '  (as  well  as  '  Orgarus  le  Prude ')  was 
one  of  the  members  of  the  Cnichtengild  who  gave  their  soke  to  Holy 
Trinity  Priory  in  1125  in  return  for  the  privilege  of  fraternity.  It  is 
interesting  to  see  that  his  three  sisters  had  already  linked  themselves 
in  a  similar  way  to  the  abbey  of  Wogtminster.  For  further  notes  on 
this  family  see  Round,  Commune,  106. 

It  would  appear  from  Diet.  Nat.  Biogr.  that  the  first  occurrence  of 
Geoffrey  de  Clinton's  name  hitherto  known  is  in  a  charter  of  1121 — 3. 
The  charter  here  printed  shews  him  to  us  seven  or  eight  years  earlier. 

For  '  R.  Basset '  see  the  next  charter. 

30.    D.  f.  101. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  episcopo  f  G.  f  London'  et  archid'  et  toti 
capitulo  sancti  Pauli  sal'.  Precipio  quod  abbas  et  ecclesia  sancti 
Petri  Westm'  et  presbyteri  eorum  habeant  et  teneant  ecclesias 
suas  quas  pater  meus  eis  dedit :  ligneam  scilicet  capellam  sancte 
Margarete  de  Eschep,  cum  parochia  et  cum  terra  et  domibus  ad 
eam  pertinentibus ;  et  medietatem  lapidee  capelle  sancti  Magni 
martiris  cum  tota  parochia ;  et  ecclesiam  sancti  Laurentii  cum 
omnibus  sibi  pertinentibus ;  et  ecclesiam  sancti  Jacobi  super 
ripam :  ita  bene  et  in  pace  et  honorifice,  sicut  melius  tenuerunt 
tempore  patris  mei,  et  meo  actenus,  sine  calumpnia,  et  temporibus 
Hugonis  et  Mauricii  episcoporum.  et  prohibeo  ne  super  hoc  breve 
inde  placitent.    T'.  Matild'  regina  et  R.  Basset  apud  London'. 

[July  1108— East.  1116.]  Probably  issued  to  Richard  de  Belmeis 
soon  after  he  entered  on  his  bishopric.  'G'  is  a  scribe's  error  for  'R', 
as  is  shewn  by  the  similar  writ  issued  to  Gilbert  the  Universal  (cons. 
22  Jan.  1128,  "flO  Aug.  1134),  where  'G'  is  right,  and  'Ricardi'  is  added 
to  'Hugonis'  and  'Mauricii'  as  one  of  the  predecessors  (D.  f.  101  h). 


Selected  Charters 


149 


Ralph  Basset  is  probably  the  witness  here :  see  below,  no.  39.  But 
it  might  be  Richard  Basset. 

This  charter  is  of  special  interest  for  its  reference  to  London 
churches  held  by  the  abbey  in  the  Conqueror's  reign. 

31.  Faust.  A.  Ill,  f.  74. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  Ricardo  episcopo  de  Lundon'  sal'.  Mando 
tibi  ut  facias  plenum  rectum  abbati  Westm'  de  hominibus  qui  fre- 
gerunt  ecclesiam  suam  de  Winton'  noctu  et  armis.  et  nisi  feceris, 
barones  mei  de  scaccario  faciant  fieri,  ne  audiam  clamorem  inde 
pro  penuria  recti.    T'.  &c. 

[July  1108 — 1127.]  As  the  witnesses  are  not  given,  we  cannot  say 
whether  this  belongs  to  the  time  of  Abbot  Gilbert  or  to  that  of  Abbot 
Herbert.    Winton'  is  for  Wineton  (Wenington):  see  above,  p.  49. 

32.  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  79. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  Ricardo  de  Monte  salutem.  fac  habere 
abbati  Westm'  x  solidos  de  elemosina  mea,  sicut  est  in  rotulis 
meis.  T'.  episcopo  Sarum  apud  Canoe.  Et  hoc  quoque  anno. 
Teste  eodem. 

[?c.  1110 — East.  1116.]  Richard  de  Monte  was  sheriff  of  Oxfordshire 
in  1111  {Hist  Ah.  il  119  f):  so  that  the  abbot  here  refeiTed  to  is  not 
improbably  Abbot  Gilbert. 

'Canoe'  is  for  Cannock  (co.  Staff.). 

The  writ  is  of  interest  for  its  reference  to  the  king's  rolls. 

For  Hugo  de  Monte,  see  below,  no.  37.  Gilbert  de  Monte  occurs 
in  the  Northamptonshire  Survey,  which  Dr  Round  assigns  to  c.  1120 
(with  later  modifications):  see  Feud.  Eng.  219. 

33.  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  76. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  omnibus  vicecom'  et  ministris  tocius  Angl' 
salutem.  Precipio  quod  totum  corredium  et  omnes  res  abbatis 
de  Westm',  unde  homines  sui  poterint  affidare  quod  sint  sue 
proprie,  sint  ita  quiete  de  theloneo  et  passagio  et  omnibus  con- 
suetudinibus  sicut  unquam  melius  fuerunt  tempore  antecessorum 
suorum.    T'.  cane'  apud  Merleb'. 


150 


Gilbert  Crispin 


[?  Summer,  1113 — Sep.  1114.]  A  charter  of  similar  import  and  of 
exactly  the  same  attestation,  on  behalf  of  the  abbey  of  Abingdon,  is 
addressed  to  Hugh  de  Buckland  (Hist.  Ab.  ll  79),  and  is  therefore  not 
later  than  c.  1114.  I  have  therefore  assigned  this  conjecturally  to 
Abbot  Gilbert's  time. 

34.  D.  f.  5Sb. 

H.  rex  Ang}  justic'  vicec'  et  omnibus  ministris  totius  Angl' 
et  portuum  maris  salutem.  Precipio  quod  totum  corredium 
monachorum  de  Westm'  et  quicquid  in  victu  et  vestitu  ad  usum 
eorum  pertinet,  quod  homines  eorum  poterint  affidare  suum  esse 
dominicum,  sit  quietum  de  theoloneo  et  passagio  et  omni  alia 
consuetudine.  et  super  hoc  nuUus  illud  nec  homines  eorum  in- 
juste  disturbet,  super  x  libr'  forisfacture.  T'.  Rann'  cancell'  per 
Otuelum  fir  comitis  apud  Turrim  Lundon'. 

[Summer,  1113— Sep.  1114  (prob.).]    For  the  probability  of  this 
date,  see  the  next  charter,  which  bears  exactly  the  same  attestation. 
For  Otwel  fitz  Count,  see  nos.  35,  36,  37,  40. 

35.  Mun.  3765. 

H.  rex  Angl'  justic'  vicec'  et  omnibus  ministris  et  fidelibus 
suis  per  Angliam  sal'.  Precipio  quod  prior^  et  monachi  ecclesie 
sancte  Marie  de  Hurnleia  teneant  omnia  tenementa  sua  que 
tenent  de  feud'  Gaufridi  de  Magnavilla  in  quocumque  fuerint 
comitatu,  in  bosco  et  in  piano,  in  terra  et  in  aqua,  in  ecclesiis  et 
in  decimis,  in  possessionibus  et  in  consuetudinibus,  in  libertatibus 
et  in  omnibus  rebus,  et  insuper  in  maneriis  que  in  manu  mea  sunt 
de  honore  ipsius  Gaufridi  de  Magnavilla,  tarn  bene  et  libere  et 
quiete  et  plenarie  sicut  ipse  Gaufridus  melius  et  liberius  et 
plenarius  ea  ecclesie  sue  de  Hurnleia  pro  anima  sua  dedit  in 
elemosina  et  concessit  et  carta  sua  confirmavit,  die  qua  fecit  eam 
dedicare,  et  sicut  rex  Willelmus  pater  meus  eis  per  cartam  suam 
concedit  et  confirmat.  quare  volo  et  precipio  et  firmiter  defendo 
ne  uUus  super  hoc  preceptum  meum  de  rebus  ecclesie  illius  se 
intromittat,  nisi  per  priorem  et  monachos  ecclesie,  nec  eos  inde 
disturbet,  nec  injuriam  sive  contumeliam  faciat.  T'.  Rann'  cancell' 
per  Otuelum  fil'  comitis  apud  Turrim  Lund'. 

[Summer,  1113— Sep.  1114  (prob.).]    This  charter  indicates  that 


Selected  Charters 


151 


Geoffrey  de  Mandeville  had  recently  died,  his  Honor  being  still  in  the 
king's  hands.  He  attests  an  Abingdon  charter,  apparently  granted  in 
Lent  1111  {Hist.  Ahingd.  Rolls  S.  il  73),  and  Q.  Matilda's  charter 
which  speaks  of  the  Domesday  book  at  Winchester,  and  which  must 
be  dated  either  between  July  1108  and  May  1109,  or  between  Aug.  1111 
and  the  summer  of  1113  :  see  Round,  Feudal  England,  p.  143. 

If  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville  was  alive  in  1111,  this  charter  must  be 
subsequent  to  the  king's  return  in  the  summer  of  1113 :  and  probably 
it  was  granted  before  the  king  went  to  Normandy  again  in  Sept.  1114, 
and  at  any  rate  before  his  prolonged  absence  from  Easter  1116 — Nov. 
11201. 

The  earliest  signature  of  Ranulf  as  chancellor  is  said  to  be  between 
Easter  and  Sept.  1107  :  he  died  at  Christmas  1122  {Feud.  Engl.  485). 

36.    Mun.  3587. 

H.  rex  Angl'.  Justic'.  Vicec'.  Baron',  et  Omnibus  Ministris  suis. 
et  hominibus  franc',  et  Angl'  de  Berchesir':^  sal'.  Sciatis  me  con- 
cessisse  et  firmiter  confirmasse  omnes  donationes  quascumque 
Gaufr'  de  Magnauill'  Ecclesie  sancte  Marie  de  Herleia  pro  sua  et 
heredum  suorum  redemptione  et  salute  libere  donauit.  et  carta  sua 
confirmauitr^  Videl'.  to  tarn  eandem  villam  de  herl'  et  circumiacens 
Nemus  eidem  ville  pertinenti.  sine  participatione  cuiuscumque 
hominis  in  Eadem  parrochia  manentis:^  in  terris.  et  Ecclesiis.  in 
decimis.  et  possessionibus:^  in  bosco.  et  piano.  Campis.  et  Pratis. 
Siluis.  et  Pasturisr^  Aquis.  et  Molendin'.  Piscariis.  et  Piscationibus:^ 
Pasnagiis.  Porcis.  et  Denarr^  cum  tota  tercia  parte  Decime  totius 
annone  Omnium  Maneriorum  totius  dominii  sui.  et  cum  duabus 
partibus  decime  totius  Pecunie  omnium  Maneriorum  dominii  sui 
in  viuo.  et  mortuoJ^  et  Cum  omnibus  aliis  Rebus  sine  participatione 
cuiuscumque  hominis  de  quibuscumque  decima  deo  dari  debet. 
Excepta  solummodo  terra  Aedrici  prepositi  et  .vii.  Rusticorum  de 
parua  Waltham:^  quam  in  sua  Manu  ad  se  hospitand'  retinuit. 
Concedo  igitur  et  inper[p]etuum  confirmo  Ecclesie  eidem  de  Herl' 
Ecclesiam  meam  de  Waltham  cum  una  hida  terre  et  dimid'  que 
ad  Ecclesiam  illam  de  Waltham  pertinet.  et  ecclesie  de  Herl' 
subiacentr^  et  totam  terram  illam  Edwardi  que  dicitur  hwatecumba. 

1  Since  writing  this  I  have  observed  that  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville  and  Haimo  Dapifer 
attest  Hen.  I's  Savigny  charter  at  Avranches,  7  Mar.  1113  (Round,  Doc.  pres.  in  France, 
p.  287) ;  but  I  retain  what  is  said  above  for  the  sake  of  its  references,  and  as  not  being 
inconsistent  with  the  fresh  evidence. 


152 


Gilbert  Crispin 


et  ecclesiam  eiusdem  ville  cum  Omnibus  sibi  pertinentiis  in  bosco. 
et  Planor^  et  Pasturis.  tanquam  eiusdem  supi'anominate  ecclesie 
de  hell'  dotaliciumr^  ita  bene,  et  libere.  et  quiete.  et  plenarie  in 
Omnibus  rebus,  sicut  idem  Gaufr'  ea  Ecclesie  sue  de  heil'  dedit.  et 
concessit.*^  et  per  cartam  patris  mei  et  suam  confirmavit.  Concede 
etiam  et  confirmo.  ut  Eadem  ecclesia  de  herl'  habeat  Porcariam 
suam  in  parco  libere  et  quiete.  et  in  Omnibus  maneriis  dominii  sui 
quicunque  ea  tenuerintr^  unum  Rusticum  qui  Octo  Acras  terre 
habeat.  et  cum  Omnibus  donationibus  suis  aliis-quas  in  insula  de 
Heli.  uel  in  villa  que  Mosa  uocatur-ecclesie  de  Herl'  contulit.  siue 
etiam  Decimas  quas  Turoldus  dapifer  in  Wochendona.  et  in  Bordes- 
dena.  et  Edricus  eius  prepositus  ibidem  pro  animabus  eorum 
contuler'.  et  Omnia  alia  quecunque  ecclesie  prefate  ab  eodem 
Gaufr'  seu  ab  alio  quocunque  viro  ibidem  sunt  coUata  et  concessa. 
Quare  nolo  et  concede,  et  firmiter  precipio.  ut  Ecclesia  eadem  de 
herl'  omnem  habeat  libertatem  et  firmam  pacem.  in  bosco.  et  piano, 
in  terra  et  in  Aqua,  per  totam  terram  suam.  et  habeat  Socam.  et 
Sacam.  et  toll,  et  team,  et  InfangheneSof:^  et  terra  et  homines 
ecclesie  eiusdem  quocunque  loco  sint  per  Angliam.  sint  liberi.  et 
quieti  de  Shir',  et  Hundr'.  de  placitis.  et  querelis:^  Geld',  et  Daneg'. 
Scottis.  et  Auxiliis  omnibus  et  de  Omnibus  operationibus  et  occa- 
sionibusr^  et  exactionibus.  et  Assisisr^  Excepto  solummodo  Murdro. 
et  probato  latrocinio.  Quodsi  huiusmodi  forisfactura  super  terram 
ecclesie  euenerit.  precipior^  quod  Prior  et  n  Monachi  inde  suam 
plenarie  habeant  curiam,  et  defendo  ne  in  Aliis  locis  quocumque 
mode  placitent:^  nisi  in  eadem  Curia  sancte  Marie,  et  sua.  De  aliis 
uero  placitis  uel  forisfacturis-q'  super  terram  ecclesie.  et  Prior'  con- 
[tigerijnt.  si  quis  de  hominibus  suis  in  forisfactura  mea  Justo  iudicio 
et  causa  Aperta  missus  fuerit  de  .xx.  manchis.  adquietet  se  ante 
indicium  per  .v[i.]  denar'.  et  post  Indicium:^  per  .xii.  denar'.  et 
semper  iudicetur.  per  indicium  Curie  sancte  Marie  et  Prior'  ecclesie. 
Preterea  nolo,  et  firmiter  precipio.  quod  dimittatis  esse  in  pace 
imperpetuum  .vi.  hidas  ecclesie  eiusdem  de  Dominio  Prior'  et 
Monachorum  de  omnibus  Geld',  et  Daneg'.  [et  thjeloneo  per  Angl' 

q[  ]r  dominicum  conredium  et  usum  pertinet.  et  Passagiis 

etiam  per  Angl'.  et  Assartis  que  de  Dominica  terra  eorum  sintK 

et  ex  Omnibus  Actionibus  [  ]  pertinent  et  consuetudinibus. 

Defendo  etiam  et  firmiter  precipio  ne  francos  sues  plegios  recenseant 
alibi  Annuatim  Prior  et  monachi  nisi  in  eadem  Curia  sancte  Marie  et 
suar^  et  ut  nullus.  neque  Vicec'  neque  Minister  [aliquis]  super  hanc 


Selected  Charten 


153 


libertatem  quam  pro  animabus  patris  et  matris  mee.  et  pro  salute 
et  redemptione  anime  mee  eis  concedo  et  confirmo:^  eos  amodo 
placitis  aut  occasionibus.  aut  homines  suos  grauet  aut  laboretr^  aut 
iniiiriam  uel  contuineliam  faciat.  Quoniam  eideiu  ecclesie  omnia 
pertinentia  pro  mea  et  m[a . .  ]  mee  salute  et  Imperatricis  filie  mee 
peticione  et  pro  anime  sue  redemptione;^  ex  omni  exactione  et 
consuetudine  regia.  et  Omnium  hominum  in[quietudine]  soluta  et 

libera  finabiliter  clam[  ]a.    T'.  eadem  Imperatrice.  et  Rog. 

episcopo  Sar'.  per  Otuelnm  fil'  Comitis.  Ap'  Turrim  Lund'. 

[  ?  ]  If  this  charter  is  genuine,  it  cannot  be  dated  later  than  Easter 
1116,  when  the  king  left  England.  For  when  he  returned  in  1120, 
Otwel  fitz  Count,  the  son  of  Hugh  earl  of  Chester,  was  one  of  those 
who  perished  in  the  White  Ship. 

But  the  charter  is  granted  at  the  request  of  Matilda  the  Empress, 
and  is  also  attested  by  her.  Now  Matilda  left  England  in  1110,  before 
she  was  eight  years  old.  She  was  crowned  at  Mainz  as  Empress  in 
1114,  and  after  the  Emperor's  death  she  returned  to  England  in  1126. 

If,  then,  the  evidence  of  this  charter  is  to  be  accepted,  Matilda  must 
have  visited  England  between  1114  and  1116.  But  of  such  a  visit  we 
have  no  other  record. 

We  approach  the  charter  therefore  with  some  suspicion.  And  first 
we  ask  whether  it  is  probable  that  a  charter  to  Hurley  Priory  should 
have  been  gi-anted  '  at  the  request  of  the  Empress,'  who  even  at  Easter 
1116  was  not  yet  fourteen  years  old  ? 

Next,  we  observe  that  in  one  sentence  Henry  makes  the  gi-ant  '  pro 
animabus  patris  et  matris  mee  et  pro  redemptione  anime  mee';  and  in 
the  next  sentence  '  pro  mea  et  m[a . .]  mee  salute,  et  imperatricis  filie 
mee  peticione  et  pro  anime  sue  redemptione.'  It  would  be  absurd  to 
read  '  matris '  again  in  the  second  sentence ;  and  in  any  case  we  look 
for  some  mention  of  Matilda,  Henry's  queen.  The  'a'  is  almost  certain  ; 
and  we  might  perhaps  read  '  marite,'  instead  of  the  more  usual  '  uxoris.' 

We  must  consider  together  with  this  charter  the  much  shorter 
charter  (no.  35),  in  which  K.  Henry  confirms  the  properties  of  Hurley, 
when  the  Honor  of  Geofirey  de  Mandeville  has  come  into  his  hand 
through  Geoffrey's  decease.  This  occasion  of  that  confirmation  is  a 
natural  one.  The  date  of  it  must  be  placed  between  July  1113  and 
September  1114,  or  else  between  July  1115  and  Easter  1116.  It  is 
attested,  like  the  short  Westminster  charter  (no.  34),  by  Ranulf  the 
chancellor  per  Otuelnm  fil'  Comitis  apud  Tun~im  Lwid'. 


154 


Gilbert  Crispin 


I  confess  that  the  fuller  charter  (no.  36)  looks  to  me  as  if  it  had 
been  composed  at  a  time  when  the  Empress  Matilda  had  come  to  be  a 
more  important  figure  in  England  than  she  could  have  been  in  1116  ; 
at  a  time  when  it  had  become  worth  while  to  suggest  that  Henry  had 
been  moved  by  her  to  grant  special  privileges  to  the  priory  of  Hurley 
in  addition  to  the  ordinary  confirmation  of  its  properties.  The  writer 
has  bungled  in  the  phrases  by  which  he  describes  the  king's  motives : 
he  has  avoided  the  risk  of  using  the  chancellor's  name  (Ranulf  died  at 
Christmas  1122),  and  has  preferred  the  safer  name  of  Roger  bishop  of 
Salisbury ;  but  he  has  retained  to  his  ultimate  confusion  the  addition 
per  Otuelum  fiV  Gomitis  apud  Turrim  Lund'. 

Henry  II's  charter  of  confirmation  {Mun.  3751)  follows  closely  upon 
the  lines  of  this  charter,  and  expressly  refers  to  the  charter  of  his 
grandfather.  I  gravely  suspect  that  it  was  for  his  benefit  that  the 
forgery  was  made. 

The  handwriting  appears  to  me  to  offer  no  decisive  evidence ;  and 
the  charter  still  retains  a  broken  red  seal  which  arouses  no  suspicion. 

37,    D.  f.  528. 

Hec  est  convencio  inter  G.  abbatem  et  conventum  Westm'  et 
Willelmum  de  Bocholanda.  s.  G.  abbas  et  conventus  Westm'  dant 
et  concedunt  Willelmo  de  Bocholanda  et  heredibus  suis  in  heredi- 
tate  terram  de  Sipenham  et  de  Burnham  in  feudo  pro  1  solidis  per , 
singulos  annos  pro  omni  servicio  preter  commune  geldum  regis :  et 
terram  de  Tecewrde  et  de  Tunge  similiter  concedunt  ei  et  heredibus 
suis  pro  Ix  solidis  per  singulos  annos  pro  omni  servicio  preter 
commune  geldum  regis :  et  placeam  que  est  ante  domum  suam 
similiter  concedunt  ei  pro  iiij°"'  denariis  in  feudo.  s.  Celceiam 
tenebit  in  vita  sua  pro  iiij""^  libris  quoque  anno  pro  omni  servicio 
preter  commune  geldum  regis;  et  post  mortem  ipsius  Willelmi 
remanebit  Celceia  in  dominio  ecclesie  Westm'.  et  de  feudo  de 
Tecewrde  et  de  Tunge,  quando  rex  Angl'  communiter  accipiet  xx 
solidos  de  milite,  Willelmus  de  Bocholanda  adquietabit  ecclesiam 
Westm'  de  xx  solidis.  et  de  Celceya  in  Nativitate  domini  reddet  xl 
solidos,  et  in  die  Ascencionis  xl  solidos ;  et  de  feudo  suo  in  Annun- 
ciacione  sancte  Marie  Iv  solidos  et  ij  denarios,  et  viij  dies  ante 
festum  sancti  Michaelis  Iv  solidos  et  ij  denarios, 

Hii  sunt  testes :  Rotbertus  episcopus  Lincoln',  Bernardus  epis- 
copus  de  sancto  David,  Otuerus  fil'  comitis,  Clarebaldus  medicus, 
Radulfus  fir  Algodi,  Radulfus  diabolus,  Ricardus  de  Rami  cur', 


Selected  Charten 


155 


Ricardus  de  magna  villa,  Hugo  de  nionte,  Asciulus  de  Taneyo, 
Sagiinus,  Osbertus  de  Bernivilla,  Wariniis  de  Hamesclape,  Hugo 
de  Midelton' ;  de  familia  abbatis,  Willelmus  capellanus,  Willelmus 
fir  Fulconis,  Gilebertus  frater  ejus,  Herbertus  dispensator,  Picotus, 
Rotbeitus  de  Beslun,  Willelmus  camerarius,  Willelmus  Germinus, 
Ricardus  fil'  Herberti,  Oini  et  Tovius  Ganet,  et  multi  alii. 

[1115—1117.]  Bernard  was  appointed  to  St  David's  19  Sept.  1115, 
and  consecrated  in  Westminster  Abbey  by  desire  of  the  queen,  whose 
chaplain  he  was. 

It  is  probable  that  this  grant  was  made  after  the  death  of  William's 
father,  Hugh  de  Buckland,  who  was  alive,  as  we  have  seen,  in  1114; 
see  nos.  12,  20,  29. 

For  Radulfus  fil'  Algod,  a  member  of  the  Cnichtengild  in  1125,  see 
Round,  Commune  of  London,  102 ;  for  Otwel  fitz  Count,  above,  no.  36 ; 
for  Richard  de  Mandeville,  above,  nos.  6,  20 ;  for  Hugo  de  Monte, 
no.  32  (note). 

Richard  de  Rami  cur'  may  be  Richard  son  of  Guy  de  Raimbercurt 
{Feud.  Eng.  220). 

With  Warin  de  Hamesclape  comp.  Michael  de  Hanslape  {ih.  220). 

With  '  Oini '  (the  first  letter  is  uncertain)  comp.  Oini  and  Wini 
(both  genitives)  in  Hist.  Ah.  ll  53,  100,  138,  144  (but  as  he  died  before 
1117,  I  do  not  suggest  identification  as  probable). 

Tovius  Ganet  attests  a  later  charter  (D.  f.  528  h). 

For  Burnham  and  Sippenham,  see  above,  p.  48,  and  no.  9. 

38.    D.  f.  516  h. 

M.  Angl'  regina  Ricardo  episcopo  et  vie'  et  omnibus  baronibus 
London',  Francis  et  Anglis,  salutem.  Sciatis  me  dedisse  et  con- 
cessisse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  et  Gisl'  abbati  de  Westm'  hoc  quod 
Hugo  de  Bochelanda  tenebat  de  me  in  Londonia  super  hwerviim 
ejusdem  abbatis,  cum  soca  et  saca  et  cum  omnibus  aliis  consue- 
tudinibus  quas  ego  ibi  habebam.  et  hoc  facio  pro  incolumitate  anime 
et  corporis  Henrici  regis  domini  mei  et  mea  et  filiorum  nostrorum, 
T'.  episcopo  Lincoln'  et  com'  David,  apud  Westm'. 

[c.  1115 — 1117.]  David,  the  queen's  brother,  afterwards  king  of 
Scotland,  became  count  of  Huntingdon  in  1114.  For  Hugh  de  Buck- 
land,  see  above,  no.  12  :  his  death  may  be  implied  by  tenebat. 

Hwervum  seems  to  mean  '  wharf  (see  no.  4). 


156 


Gilbert  Crispin 


39.  D.  f.  363  6. 

H.  rex  Angl'  Willelino  camerario  et  Alberico  de  Ver  et  omnibus 
vestris  successoribus  camerariis  et  vicecomitibus  Lond'  salutem. 
Date  de  firma  London'  sacriste  sancti  Petri  de  Westm'  i  obol' 
quaque  die  ad  emendum  lucernam  que  ardeat  coram  sepulcro 
regine  Math'  a  die  festi  sancti  Michaelis  proxima  transacta  usque 
in  sempiternum.  T'.  Rogero  Salesberiensi  episcopo  et  Roberto 
Line'  episcopo  et  Rann'  cancellario  et  Radulfo  Basset  apud  Westm'. 

[c.  1121.]  Probably  issued  soon  after  the  king's  return  at  the  end 
of  1120.  Q.  Matilda  had  died  in  his  absence,  1  May  1118.  Ranulf  the 
chancellor  died  at  Christmas  time  1122,  and  Bishop  Robert  a  few  days 
later  (Round,  Feudal  England,  485). 

For  William  the  chamberlain,  see  above,  nos.  4  and  20;  and  for 
Ralph  Basset,  nos.  30,  43.  For  Aubrey  de  Ver,  see  no.  43,  and  Round, 
G.  de  M.  388  ff.  This  Aubrey  de  Ver  was  the  son  of  Aubrey  de  Ver, 
and  became  his  heir  through  the  death  of  his  eldest  brother  Geoffrey  de 
Ver.  Geoffrey  on  his  death-bed  gave  property  at  Kensington  to 
Abingdon  Abbey,  in  gratitude  for  the  medical  services  of  Abbot 
Faricius :  and  Henry's  confirmation  of  this  gift  is  addressed  to  Maurice 
bishop  of  London  and  Gilbert  abbot  of  Westminster  {Hist.  Ah.  ll  56). 

40.  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  75. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  Rodberto  de  Bertherol  et  omnibus  baroni-  ^ 
bus  de  honore  qui  fuit  Otueri  fil'  com'  salutem.  Sciatis  me  dedisse 
et  concessisse  deo  et  sancto  Petro  et  monachis  Westm'  ecclesiam  de 
Sabricheswrd'.  et  volo  et  firmiter  precipio  ut  bene  et  in  pace  et 
quiete  et  honorifice  teneant  cum  terris  et  decimis  et  omnibus 
rectitudinibus  et  omnibus  rebus  ipsi  ecclesie  pertinentibus,  et  ita 
ne  aliquis  illos  inde  disturbet  vel  injuriam  faciat  super  forisfacturam 
x  libr'.    Test'  cancellario  et  Gaufrido  de  Clinton'. 

[?  c.  1121.]  This  would  appear  to  have  been  issued  shortly  after 
the  death  of  Otwel  fitz  Count,  while  his  Honor  was  still  in  the  king's 
hand.    See  above,  no.  36. 

'  Robert  de  Berquerola '  occurs  in  Harley  Roll  c  8  (of  early  govern- 
ment of  London) :  see  Kingsford's  edition  of  Stow's  Survey  ll  382  (note 
on  '  Robert  Bar  Querel  Prouost '  in  latter  part  of  Hen.  I's  reign). 

41.  Faust.  A.  Ill,  f  75. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  justic'  et  vicecom'  et  omnibus  baronibus  et 
ministris  suis  Angl'  salutem.     Precipio  quod  totum  corredium 


Selected  Charters 


157 


et  omnes  res  quas  ministri  monach'  Westm'  qui  sunt  apud 
Sabricheswrd'  affidaverunt  suas  esse  dominicas  sint  quiete  de 
toll  et  passagio  et  omni  consuetudine.    T'.  cancell'  &c. 

[?  c.  1121.]  This  was  probably  issued  at  the  same  time  as  the 
previous  writ. 

42.  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  67  6. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  Rodberto  episcopo  Lincoln'  salutem.  Pre- 
cipio  quod  teneas  plenariam  convencionem  Herberto  abbati  et 
monachis  Westm'  de  manerio  suo  de  Leosne  quod  de  illis  tenes, 
sicut  firmatum  fuit  inter  te  et  Gilebertum  abbatem  et  eosdem 
monachos  tempore  fratris  mei ;  et  ita  quod  inde  amplius  clamorem 
non  audiam.  Teste  Rogero  filio  Ricardi  et  aliis  multis  apud 
Wodestoke. 

[1121 — Chr.  1122.]  I  insert  this  for  the  sake  of  its  reference  to 
Abbot  Gilbert,  and  also  as  a  contribution  to  the  somewhat  obscure 
history  of  the  relation  of  Westminster  to  the  manor  of  Leosne. 

Roger  fitz  Richard  was  one  of  the  many  sons  of  Richard  fitz  Gilbert : 
see  above,  no.  26,  and  for  the  pedigree,  Round,  Feud.  Eng.  472  fif. 

43.  Faust.  A.  iii,  f.  78  6. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  R.  Basset  et  Alberico  de  Ver  sal'.  Facite 
ita  habere  abbati  Westm'  estallos  suos  in  novo  opere  sicut  solebat 
habere  in  veteri,  et  sicut  precepi,  ne  audiam  inde  clamorem  pro 
penuria  recti.    T'.  &c. 

[Prob.  1 121— 30.]  Though  this  probably  belongs  to  Abbot  Herbert's 
time,  I  have  added  it  here  in  order  to  correct  a  misapprehension 
regarding  it.  It  appears  in  the  cartulary  under  the  rubric  of  Henry  II, 
and  has  been  accordingly  supposed  to  give  proof  that  '  novum  opus,'  or 
new  building,  was  being  carried  on  in  the  church  in  that  reign  under 
Abbot  Laurence.  Some  have  referred  it  to  the  chapel  of  St  Catherine 
in  the  infirmary,  which  doubtless  belongs  to  that  period.  But  a  glance 
at  the  writ  shews  that,  like  several  others  in  Faustina  A.  ill,  it  has  been 
erroneously  entered  under  Henry  II  instead  of  under  Henry  I. 

What  '  novum  opus '  is  here  meant  must  remain  uncertain :  and  it  is 
very  doubtful  whether  choir-stalls  are  intended,  as  has  hitherto  been 
assumed.  Possibly  some  rebuilding  was  going  on  under  the  king's 
directions  outside  the  abbey ;  and  the  stalls  may  be  market-stalls,  or 
even  stables. 


ADDITIONAL  NOTE  A. 

ON  THE  EARLY  CHARTERS  OF  ST  JOHN'S  ABBEY,  COLCHESTER. 

Three  charters  are  printed  above  which  relate  to  St  Mary  New- 
church  in  London:  one  is  granted  by  Will.  I  (no.  5),  two  are  granted 
by  Will.  II  (nos.  10, 11).  The  first  of  the  three  has  been  already  printed 
{Monasticon  i  302).  Besides  these  the  grant  of  this  church  to  West- 
minster is  included  in  what  is  called  the  First  Charter  of  Will.  I  (Cotton 
Charter  vi  3  =  D.  f.  52  h),  a  long  document  reciting  grants  of  properties, 
which  though  not  genuine  contains  a  good  deal  of  valuable  tradition : 
'  deinde  quidem  ecclesiam  sancte  Marie  que  Newecirke  appellatur,  cum 
terris  et  omnibus  rebus  ad  eam  pertinentibus,  quam  Alfwardus  cogno- 
mento  Grossus  in  predicta  urbe  pro  salute  anime  sue  ei  dederat,  sicut 
idem  melius  et  plenius  prenominato  sancto  contulerat,  omnimodis  im- 
mutabiliter  concessi.' 

The  donor  appears  in  these  various  charters  as 

(1)  '  Aluuardus  de  Lundonia'  (nos.  5  and  11) 

(2)  '  Agelwardus  clericus '  (no.  10) 

(3)  '  Alfwardus  cognomento  Grossus.' 

On  the  other  hand  we  notice  the  absence  of  this  church  from  the 
interesting  charter  (no.  30)  in  which  Hen.  I  confirms  [1108 — 1116]  the 
grants  of  London  churches  made  by  the  Conqueror :  to  wit,  the  wooden 
chapel  of  St  Margaret  Eastcheap,  half  the  stone  chapel  of  St  Magnus 
Martyr,  the  church  of  St  Laurence  and  the  church  of  St  James  'super 
ripam.'  Moreover  there  is  extant^  a  charter  of  Abbot  Herbert  [1121 — 
1136(?)j,  in  which  he  assigns  to  the  sacrist  among  other  revenues 
'Niwecirce  in  Lundonia,  quando  auxiliante  deo  ilia  diracionari  poterit 
ad  honorem  et  proficuum  hujus  ecclesie.'  From  this  it  is  clear  that 
Westminster  had  lost  its  hold  on  the  property:  nor  does  it  appear  ever 
to  have  regained  it,  in  spite  of  its  express  inclusion  in  a  bull  of  Adrian  IV 
to  Abbot  Gervase  (D.  f.  1h:  et  omnes  ecclesiasticas  possessiones  quas 
habetis  in  London':  scilicet  Newechurch'  et  ceteras  ecclesias  cum 
omnibus  libertatibus  et  dignitatibus  ad  easdem  pertinentibus). 

1  Printed  in  Monasticon,  i  307  from  Harley  Charters  84  F.  46;  a  late  copy  is  also 
preserved  (Man.  3435),  and  it  is  also  found  in  D.  f.  408  b. 


Early  Charters  of  St  John's  Abbey,  Colchester  159 


The  charters  of  Will.  I  and  Will.  II  (D.  f.  529)  are  followed  by 
a  charter  of  Hen.  I  [after  1121],  which  is  stated  in  the  rubric  to  refer  to 
the  same  church : 

Carta  regis  H.  primi  de  ecclesia  sancte  Marie  Newekirke. 
H.  rex  Anglorum  vie'  et  baron'  de  Lundon'  salutem.    Precipio  quod  abbas 
Herbertus  et  monachi  sancti  Peti-i  Westm'  teneant  bene  et  in  pace  ecclesiam  saucte 
Marie  quam  Goslanus  eis  dedit  cum   terris  eidem  ecclesie  pertinentibus.  et 
precipio  ne  aliquis  se  intromittat  nisi  per  abbatem.    T'.  R.  Basset  apud  Windlesh'. 

With  this  must  be  read  a  charter  of  Stephen  to  Abbot  Gervase 
(D.  f.  61): 

S.  rex  Angl'  jiistic'  et  vicec'  et  baronibus  et  omnibus  ministris  suis  London'. 
Precipio  vobis  quod  sicut  me  diligitis  custodiatis  et  manuteneatis  omnes  terras  et 
tenuras  G.  abbatis  de  Westm'  filii  mei  sicut  meas  dominicas ;  et  ad  posse  ve.strum 
faciatis  ei  habere  redditus  sues  et  debita  que  ei  debentur,  et  nominatim  ecclesiam 
sancte  Marie  ei  faciatis  habere,  quam  Gislanus  ei  dedit,  cum  terris  appendentibus  : 
et  tantum  inde  faciatis  quod  gratis  inde  vobis  sciam.  T'.  Ad'  de  Beln'  apud 
Westm' 1. 

When  we  take  this  with  the  confirmation  by  Pope  Adrian,  we  can 
hardly  doubt  that  St  Mary  Newchurch  is  referred  to :  but  '  Goslanus,' 
or  'Gislanus,'  introduces  a  new  element  of  perplexity. 

So  much  for  the  Westminster  side  of  the  controversy,  to  which 
justice  has  not  hitherto  been  done^.  We  find  the  rival  claimant  in  the 
abbey  of  St  John  the  Baptist  at  Colchester,  the  important  chartulary  of 
which  was  printed  from  Earl  Cowper's  manuscript  for  the  Roxburghe 
Club  in  1897.  The  historical  value  of  some  of  these  Colchester  charters 
was  pointed  out  by  Dr  Round  in  an  article  in  the  English  Historical 
Review  (xvi  721 — 30).  With  the  question  of  the  authenticity  of  most 
of  the  earliest  charters  he  dealt  severely.  It  is  necessary  for  our  present 
purpose  to  take  a  further  step  in  the  path  of  criticism  which  he  has 
marked  out ;  and  in  doing  so  we  shall  discover  that  the  monks  of 
Colchester  not  only  deprived  their  Westminster  brethren  of  one  of  their 
churches,  but  also  stole  their  very  choicest  thunder. 

The  chartulary  opens  with  the  foundation  charter  of  Eudo  Dapifer. 
Of  this  it  is  sufficient  to  say  ^vith  Dr  Round,  that  '  it  obviously  is  not 
genuine  in  the  form  in  which  it  is  transcribed.' 

1  Adam  de  Beln'  attests  a  Lincoln  charter  at  Oxford,  Feb. — Dec.  1146  {Eiuj.  Hist.  Rev. 
XXIII,  727).  'Adam  de  Balnai '  appears  in  a  document  relating  to  the  Cnichtengild  soke 
as  present  at  Westminster  in  the  second  year  of  K.  Stephen  (Round,  Commune  99). 

2  See,  e.g.,  Mr  Kinprsford's  hriof  dismissal  of  it  in  his  valuable  edition  of  Stow's  Stiri'et/ 
(n  317). 


160 


Gilbert  Crispin 


The  next  item  (p.  4)  relates  how  Gilbert  a  monk  of  Bee,  having 
been  made  abbot  of  Colchester,  found  that  the  muniments  of  his  church 
were  grievously  defective,  and  caused  a  charter  to  be  written  out  and 
sent  across  the  sea  to  Eudo  and  his  wife,  who  were  living  at  Preaux, 
begging  them  to  obtain  its  confirmation  from  King  Henry;  which 
accordingly  they  did  at  a  council  at  Rouen  in  the  year  in  which  Henry's 
son  William  was  married  (i.e.  1119).  The  charter  was  read  out  by  a 
Norman  clerk,  who  however  came  to  a  standstill  at  the  long  list  of 
English  words  in  which  certain  privileges  were  granted.  The  king 
thereupon  took  the  document  out  of  his  hands,  and  read  out  and 
explained  the  terms  in  question^.  We  shall  not  comment  on  this  story 
further  than  to  say  that  there  is  good  reason  for  believing  that  Eudo 
could  not  have  been  present  on  this  occasion,  though  the  king  is  repre- 
sented as  conversing  with  him. 

The  document  which  next  follows  is  the  pretended  charter  which  the 
king  is  said  then  to  have  granted.  One  thing  certain  about  it  is  that  it 
was  written,  as  we  have  already  gathered,  by  a  Colchester  monk.  But 
before  we  consider  the  sources  upon  which  he  drew  for  his  phraseology, 
we  must  look  at  the  sixth  item  in  the  chartulary  (p.  11),  which  Dr  Round 
accepts  '  as  the  original  confirmation  by  the  king  of  Eudo's  foundation 
of  the  house,'  and  which  he  thinks  was  almost  certainly  written  in  1104. 

That  charter  falls  into  four  main  divisions : 

(1)  A  preamble  of  17  lines :  '  Quia  inter  multa  bona  opera — 
castitate  copulavit.' 

(2)  A  confirmation  of  the  church  and  monastery  founded  by  Eudo, 
with  a  list  of  properties  granted  to  the  same. 

(3)  A  grant  of  privileges,  briefly  stated  in  these  words :  '  Huic 
ecclesie  et  cuncte  ejus  possessioni  eandem  libertatem  et  easdem  leges 
quas  habet  ecclesia  sancti  Petri  Westmonasterii  in  perpetuum  possidere 
constituo.' 

(4)  Then  follow  the  attestations,  introduced  by:  'Quod  subse- 
quenter  dominice  crucis  karectere  ad  confirmationem  subsigno  ^  annu- 
ente  eodem  domino  nostro  Jesu  Christo,  qui  vivit  et  regnat  et  gloriatur 
in  individua  trinitate  per  omnia  secula  seculorum.' 

We  may  suppose  that  the  charter  was  composed  in  the  abbey  and 
brought  to  the  king  for  confirmation.    This  will  account  for  its  peculiar 

1  '  Legit  itaque  cartam  Johannes  Baiocensis,  clericus  nobilis  et  regis  consanguineus ; 
cumque  ventum  esset  ad  consuetudines  Anglice  scriptas,  cessavit,  profitens  nescire  quid 
esseut :  tunc  rex  ipse  (erat  enim  optime  litteratus)  cartam  accepit,  legit,  et  iis  qui  aderant 
exposuit.' 


• 


Early  Charters  of  St  Johns  Ahbei/,  Colchester  161 

phraseology.  But  it  remains  very  difficult  to  conceive  that  Henry  I 
should  have  granted  privileges  in  so  vague  a  form  as  the  statement  that 
St  John's  Abbey  at  Colchester  was  to  have  the  same  liberties  and 
customs  as  St  Peter's  Abbey  at  Westminster.  There  may  be  parallels 
to  this  of  which  I  am  ignorant :  but,  until  they  are  pointed  out,  I  must 
confess  my  inability  to  believe  that  this  clause  stood  in  the  original 
charter  granted  by  that  prudent  king. 

Another  ground  of  suspicion  occurs  to  my  mind.  This  charter,  as 
we  shall  presently  see,  grants  St  Mary  Newchurch  in  London  to  the 
abbey  of  Colchester,  and  the  charter  is  attested  by  Gilbert  abbot  of 
Westminster.  We  have  already  noted  that  Abbot  Herbert,  Gilbert's 
successor,  still  looked  forward  to  establishing  Westminster's  claim  to 
this  church  ('quando  auxiliante  deo  ilia  diracionari  poterit'):  but  this 
could  hardly  have  been  a  possibility,  if  Gilbert  Crispin  had  attested  a 
royal  charter  giving  it  to  Colchester  some  twenty  years  before.  On  the 
other  hand,  we  have  a  clear  motive  for  the  introduction  of  Gilbert's 
attestation,  if  the  charter  be  not  in  its  present  form  a  genuine  document. 

We  may  now  return  to  the  pretended  charter  of  1119  (p.  4).  This 
falls  into  the  same  four  divisions. 

(1)  The  preamble:  'Quia  inter  multa  bona  opera — castitate  copu- 
lavit.'    This  is  repeated  from  the  charter  of  1104. 

(2)  The  first  clause  here  is  the  same,  save  that  'Mahaldis' 
has  become  '  Matildis,'  and  for  the  words  '  pro  memet  ipso  et  uxore  mea 
Mahalde  regina,'  we  now  have  '  pro  memet  ipso  et  uxore  mea  Matilde 
regina  atque  pro  filiis  meis^'  The  list  of  properties  has  considerably 
increased,  as  might  be  expected  in  the  first  fifteen  years  of  a  new 
foundation.  Otherwise  the  phraseology  is  copied  from  the  former  charter 
with  slight  changes.  The  first  items  may  be  set  side  by  side,  as  they 
stand  in  the  two  charters,  to  call  attention  to  the  past  tense  used  of 
Eudo,  who  as  Dr  Round  has  noted  does  not  attest  the  later  charter : 


Picheseye,  excepto  feudo  Ranulfi  de  done  et  manerium  Picheseye.  hec  tria 
Mundona  et  excepta  terra  Alwini  Soche-     raaneria  Integra  sicut  Eudo  ea  de  me 


1104. 

Manerium    Wileye    et  manerium 


1119. 

Manerium  Wileye  et  manerium  Mun- 


man. 


tenebat,  excepto  in  Picheseya  feudo 
Eanulfi  de  Mundune  et  excepta  terra 
Alfuuini  Socheman. 


1  As  both  Matilda  and  William  were  born  before  1104,  we  might  have  expected  such 
a  phrase  in  the  former  charter :  of.  '  subolis  mee  '  in  no.  24,  above. 

B.  C.  11 


162 


Gilbert  Crispin 


(3)  It  is  the  third  section  that  gives  its  special  character  to  this 
charter.  The  brief  clause  which  granted  the  privileges  enjoyed  by 
Westminster  is  repeated  thus :  '  Huic  ecclesie  et  cuncte  ejus  possessioni 
concede  eandem  libertatem  et  easdem  leges  quas  habet  ecclesia  sancti 
Petri  Westmonasterii.'  But  the  time  for  vagueness  has  gone  by,  and 
the  charter  goes  on  to  define  the  privileges  thus:  '  Primum  videlicet  ut 
tantus  honor,'  &c.:  a  passage  occupying  53  lines  of  the  printed  text,  and 
granting  exemption  from  all  episcopal  and  judicial  control,  rights  of 
sanctuary,  customs  cited  by  their  English  names,  &c. 

The  whole  of  this  long  passage,  from  '  ut  tantus  honor '  to  '  peni- 
tencia  satisfecerit,'  is  copied  out  of  the  so-called  Third  Charter  of  Edward 
the  Confessor. 

In  one  single  point  the  privilege  claimed  by  Colchester  falls  short  of 
the  privilege  claimed  by  Westminster.  For  Colchester  claims,  on  behalf 
of  any  one  who  takes  sanctuary:  memhroruvi  suorum  ac  vite  impuni- 
tatem  consequatur :  but  in  the  Third  Charter  of  St  Edward  we  read 
(in  what  purports  to  be  the  original  with  St  Edward's  seal,  ch.  xx;  in  the 
Westminster  'Domesday';  and  in  the  Monasticon  which  quotes  from 
Faust.  A.  Ill):  immunis  sit  omnino  ac  plenum  libertatem  consequatur. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  Westminster  privilege  here  is  much  larger 
than  that  which  is  claimed  for  Colchester;  and  yet  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  Colchester  fabricator  had  St  Edward's  Third  Charter  as 
his  authority. 

Now  an  examination  of 'Domesday'  shews  that  the  text  has  been 
tampered  with  at  this  point,  since  the  chartulary  was  written;  and 
portions  of  letters  can  still  be  seen  which  correspond  with  the  Colchester 
reading.  When  we  turn  to  the  '  original '  ch.  xx,  all  seems  in  perfect 
order — except  possibly  the  abbreviated  omnino  which  looks  darker  and 
a  little  crooked.  It  so  happens  that  the  word  omnino  comes  earlier  in 
the  charter,  and  has  there  a  different  abbreviation ;  and  a  minute 
inspection  reveals  slight  differences  in  the  shapes  of  various  letters, 
though  not  a  trace  of  the  obliterated  letters  can  be  detected. 

It  is  possible  that  this  Westminster  alteration  would  never  have 
come  to  light  but  for  the  Colchester  forgery.  When  was  it  made  ? 
It  cannot  have  been  made  when  the  long  charter  of  K.  Stephen  was 
forged  (Ch.  xxxiii):  for  this  refers  to  the  privilege  of  St  Edward,  and 
gives  the  earlier  form  at  this  particular  point.  It  cannot  have  been 
made  when  the  'Domesday'  chartulary  was  written  (c.  1303):  for  the 
earlier  form  was  then  copied,  and  it  was  subsequently  erased  to  make 
way  for  the  later  form.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  it  belongs  to  the  great 
period  of  strife  as  to  sanctuary  in  the  reign  of  K.  Richard  II.  Abbot 


Earhf  Charters  of  St  Johux  Ahhey,  Colchester  163 


Litlyngton  then  pleaded  the  cause  of  Westminster  at  the  Parliament 
at  Gloucester  with  good  success. 

We  go  on  now  to  the  fourth  item  in  the  chartulary  (p.  10),  which 
also  purports  to  be  a  charter  granted  by  Henry  I  at  Rouen  in  1119. 
Its  prefatory  rubric  declares  it  to  be  an  abridgement  of  the  fuller 
charter,  more  suitable  for  can-ying  about.  Its  genesis  however  is  best 
explained  by  setting  side  by  side  with  it  a  charter  granted  by  the  same 
king  to  Herbert,  who  became  abbot  of  Westminster  in  1121. 


Westminster. 

Henricus  rex  Angl'  archiepiscopis, 
episcopis,  abbatibus,  comitibiis,  optima- 
tibus,  \-icecomitibus,  omnibusque  mini- 
stris  et  fidelibus  eiu-s  Francis  et  Anglis 
in  illis  comitatibus  in  quibus  sanctiis 
Petrus  de  Westm'  habet  teiTa.s  et 
homines,  salutem. 


Sciatis  me  concessisse  deo  et  sancto 
Petro  et  Herberto  abbati  Westm',  pro 
salute  anime  mee  et  Edwardi  regis  cog- 
nati  mei  et  antecessorum  et  successorum 
meonmi, 

sacam  et  socam,  toll  et  theam  et 
infangenethef  et  flemeuesfirmth',  mis- 
keuninge  et  sceawinge, 


et  pacis  fracturam  et  domus  invasi- 
onem  et  omnes  assultus  in  suo  jure,  in 
via  et  extra,  in  urbe  et  extra,  in  festo  et 
extra,  et  omnes  leges  et  consuetudines 
in  aqua  et  in  terra  tarn  plene  et  tam 


Colchester. 

Henricus  dei  gratia  rex  Anglorum  et 
dux  Normannorum  arcbiepiscopis,  epi- 
scopis, abbatibus,  comitibus,  baronibus, 
et  omnibus  vicecomitibus  in  quonim 
vicecomitatibus  sanctus  Johannes  Bap- 
tista  de  Colecestria  terras  habet  et 
homines,  et  omnibus  fidelibus  suis 
Francis  et  Anglis  totius  Anglie,  salu- 
tem. 

Sciatis  me  concessisse  deo  et  sancto 
Johanni  Baptiste  de  Colecestria  et 
monachis  ejusdem  loci  cuncteque  eorum 
possessioni  eandem  libertatem  et  eas- 
dem  leges  quas  habet  ecclesia  sancti 
Petri  AVestmonasterii  :  scilicet  sakam 
et  sokam,  et  toll  et  team,  mundbrj'ce, 
burhbryce,  miskenninge,  sceawinge,  hlea- 
stinge,  frythesocna,  flemenefirmtbe, 
waerg^'ldweof,  uthleap,  forfeng,  feohfeng, 
feordwite,  feohtwite,  weardwite,  heng- 
wite,  hamsocna,  forsteall,  infogenatheof, 
et  omnia  jura  qualiumcunque  causa- 
rum  et  omnes  alias  leges  et  consue- 
tudines que  ad  me  pertinent,  in  terra 
et  in  aqua,  et  in  urbe  et  extra,  in 
domo  et  extra,  in  %-illa  et  extra,  in 
placito,  in  soko  et  saka,  in  theloneo,  in 
furis  apprehensione  et  emissione,  in 
sanguinis  effusione,  et  in  omnibus  aliis 
rebus  in  orani  tempore  et  in  omnibus 
locis. 

Has  ergo  omnes  leges  et  consue- 
tudines concede  deo  et  sancto  Johanni 
Colecestrie  in  perpetuum  possidere,  in 
aqua  et  terra  tam  plene  et  tam  liberc 
sicut  egomet  illas  melius  habeo. 

11—2 


164 


GUhert  Crispin 


libere  et  tarn  firmiter  sicut  predictus  rex 
Edwardus  illas  unquam  melius  conces- 
serat  et  sicut  per  privilegium  carte  sue 
confirmavit. 

Et  nuUo  modo  volo  eonsentire  ut 
aliquis  banc  ecclesie  sancti  Petri  con- 
cessam  a  nobis  libertatem  ullo  tempore 
iufringere  presumat,  aut  in  aliquo  de 
omnibus  que  ecclesie  juris  fuerint  se 
intromittat,  nisi  abbas  et  monachi  ad 
utilitatem  monasterii. 

T'.  R.  arcbiepiscopo  <Cantuar'  et 
G.  arcbiepiscopo  > '  Rotbom'  et  R.  epi- 
scopo  London',  W.  episcopo  Winton'  et 
R.  episcopo  Sar',  R.  episcopo  Lincoln'  et 
Ranulpbo  cancellar'  et  Johanne  Baioc', 
com'  David,  R.  filio  regis  et  W.  Tan- 
cardivilla,  W.  de  Alben'  et  N.  de 
Albeneye,  G.  de  Clinton'  et  R.  Basset, 
apud  Windlesor'. 


Et  nuUo  modo  volo  ut  aliquis  banc 
ecclesie  sancti  Jobannis  concessam  a  me 
libertatem  idlo  tempore  infringere  pre- 
sumat. 


Testibus  Radulfo  arcbiepiscopo  Can- 
torberie  et  Gaufrido  arcbiepiscopo  Rotbo- 
magi  et  Turstino  arcbiepiscopo  Eboraci 
et  Rannulfo  episcopo  Dunelmie  et  Ber- 
nardo episcopo  de  Sancto  David  et 
Ranwlfo  cancellario  et  Henrico  comite 
de  Auco  et  Waltero  GifFardo  comite  et 
Willelmo  comite  de  Warenna, 
apud  Rotomagum,  in  mense  et  anno 
quo  Willelmus  filius  regis  desponsavit 
uxorem  suam  filiam  comitis  Andega- 
vensium. 


It  appears  from  a  comparison  of  these  two  charters,  that  the 
Colchester  compiler,  when  he  had  written  the  words  '  sakam  et  sokam, 
et  toll  et  team,'  observed  that  the  Westminster  charter  did  not  give  so 
full  a  list  of  English  privileges  as  had  been  copied  from  St  Edward's 
Third  Charter  into  the  longer  Colchester  charter  of  1119.  He  therefore 
returns  to  the  more  complete  list  with  the  words  'mundbryce,  burhbryce,' 
etc.,  and  then  takes  a  succession  of  phrases  out  of  the  longer  charter 
until  he  comes  back  to  Abbot  Herbert's  charter  at  the  words  '  omnes 
leges  et  consuetudines.'  It  is  interesting  to  see  that  he  thus  per- 
petrates a  'doublet':  for  he  has  first  'in  terra  et  in  aqua'  from  the 
longer  charter,  and  then  'in  aqua  et  terra'  from  Abbot  Herbert's 
charter. 

Further  criticism  of  this  shorter  Colchester  charter  is  unnecessary. 
But  we  may  note  with  interest  the  style  of  the  king,  and  also  the 
designation  '  arcbiepiscopo  Cantorberie,'  which  may  point  to  Normandy. 

The  fifth  item  (p.  11)  is  a  bull  of  Pope  Calixtus  II  [1119—24],  which 
is  said  to  be  a  confirmation  of  what  has  preceded.    I  do  not  think 

'  Cf.  a  similar  charter  of  liberties  in  London  granted  at  the  same  time  and  place 
(D  f.  101). 


Early  Charters  of  St  John's  Abbey,  Colchester  165 


it  is  likely  to  be  genuine.  In  any  case  it  is  of  no  special  historical 
importance. 

I  pass  on  to  the  charter  of  William  Rufus  (p.  18).  Dr  Roimd  has 
already  said  enough  to  condemn  this  as  a  forgery,  I  would  only  add 
that,  besides  the  two  manors  which  were  not  granted  till  about  twenty 
years  after  his  death,  the  king  is  also  made  to  confirm  the  questionable 
possession  of 'ecclesia  de  Niewechirche.' 

To  St  Mary  Newchurch  we  must,  in  conclusion,  return.  It  is  granted 
to  Westminster  by  a  charter  of  Will.  I  and  by  two  charters  of  Will.  II: 
but  in  Abbot  Herbert's  time  it  had  somehow  been  alienated.  He  still 
hoped  for  its  recovery,  and  his  successor  Gervase  got  a  confirmation  of 
it  from  Pope  Adrian  IV — a  sign,  at  the  least,  that  Westminster  per- 
sisted in  claiming  it. 

St  John's  Colchester  however  had  evidently  got  hold  of  it,  and 
defended  its  claim  by  a  forged  charter  of  Will.  II ;  a  forged  charter  of 
Hen.  I  dated  1119;  a  forged  foundation  deed  of  Eudo  Dapifer;  and,  as 
we  shall  see,  a  forged  charter  of  Richard  bishop  of  London.  I  am 
inclined  to  add  to  this  list  of  forged  evidences  the  charter  of  Henry  I 
which  bears  the  attestation  of  Abbot  Gilbert  of  Westminster  in  1104: 
but  I  refi-ain  from  a  positive  statement  on  this  point. 

It  is  in  the  forged  charter  of  Eudo  alone  that  any  details  regarding 
the  gift  or  the  donor  appear.  There  we  read  :  '  ecclesiam  sancte  Marie 
de  Westchepinge  Lundonie,  que  vocatur  Niewecherche,  concedente  Ail- 
wardo  grosso  presbitero^,  qui  in  eadem  ecclesia  ex  donatione  antecessoris 
mei  Huberti  de  Ria  personatum  consecutus  fuerat ;  postmodum  vero 
juri  personatus  sponte  renuntiavit,  pensionarius  ecclesie  sancti  Johannis 
de  eadem  ecclesia  foetus '  (p.  3).  On  this  Dr  Round  remarks :  '  One 
would  hardly  expect  Eudo  to  describe  as  his  antecessor  Hubert  de  Rye, 
who  was  his  father.  Moreover,  so  far  as  I  know,  we  have  no  other 
evidence  of  Eudo's  father  preceding  him  as  a  holder  of  lands  in 
England^.' 

The  forged  charter  of  Bishop  Richard  (p.  82)  has  been  exposed  by 
Dr  Round,  who  has  set  side  by  side  with  it  the  stoiy  of  the  monks  (p.  50) 
on  which  it  is  based.  Of  this  latter  I  will  only  remark  that  it  intro- 
duces the  name  of '  Gunduinus  monachus  Becci.'  Now  the  list  of  Bee 
shews  us  a  '  Gundwinus '  as  entering  the  monastery  c.  1085,  and  also  a 
'Gunduinus'  c.  1112^    So  we  are  dealing  with  a  real  person.  Indeed 

1  Compare  the  'Alfwardus  cognomento  Grossus'  of  the  fictitious  First  Charter  of 
Will.  I,  quoted  above,  p.  158. 

2  Eny.  Hist.  Rev.  xvi  726.  »  Poree,  Hist,  du  Bee  i  C30,  632. 


166 


Gilbert  Crispin 


the  names  mentioned  in  these  Colchester  documents,  whether  as  attest- 
ing charters  or  otherwise,  are  surprisingly  accurate,  and  seem  to  prove 
that  the  compiler  or  compilers  of  these  forgeries  must  have  had  a 
number  of  genuine  documents,  which,  though  insufficient  for  the  pur- 
poses contemplated,  furnished  the  necessary  historical  setting.  There 
must  have  been  genuine  charters  of  Eudo  Dapifer  and  of  Henry  I  when 
the  abbey  was  founded,  and  there  may  have  been  a  confirmatory  charter 
of  the  king  in  1119  granted  at  Rouen  either  just  before  or  just  after 
Eudo's  death.  We  may  doubt  whether  either  of  the  king's  charters 
contained  any  reference  to  St  Mary  Newchurch  or  to  the  Westminster 
privilege  :  we  may  be  certain  that  neither  of  them  cited  the  exposition 
of  that  privilege  in  the  terms  of  the  Third  Charter  of  St  Edward.  The 
real  charters  would  be  superseded  by  the  forgeries,  and  perhaps  even 
destroyed  as  conflicting  evidence  of  a  very  compromising  character. 

The  long  charter  of  Hen.  I  (1119)  reappears  on  p.  14  as  granted 
afresh  by  Hen.  II,  and  in  a  considerably  extended  form  (especially  in 
regard  to  the  Westminster  privilege)  on  p.  42  as  granted  by  Rich.  I. 
The  short  charter  of  Henry  I  (1119)  reappears  on  p.  80  as  granted  by 
Stephen.  A  charter  of  Hen.  Ill  (p.  56)  refers  to  Richard's  charter,  and 
gives  an  interesting  interpretation  of  three  of  its  English  terms ;  this  is 
supplementary  to  an  Inspeximus  of  Richard's  charter,  which  is  printed 
immediately  after  it.  If  we  could  accept  the  charter  of  He'nry  II  as 
genuine,  we  should  have  a  valuable  starting-point  for  discussing  the 
date  of  St  Edward's  Third  Charter:  but  the  position  which  it  occupies 
in  the  Colchester  chartulary  is  not  in  its  favour. 


ADDITIONAL  NOTE  B. 


A  CHARTER  OF  KING  ETHELRED. 

(Westminster  '  Domesday,'  f.  80  b.) 

Telligraphus  ejusdem  regis  de  quadam  parte  terre  in  loco  qui  dicitur 
Berewican,  cum  libertate  ejusdem  terre. 

Regente  perpetualiter  summo  celorum  opifice  cunta,  que  convenienti 
dum  non  erant  condidit  serie,  qui  jure  tripudiando  in  electorum  agmine 
triumphatur,  cui  voluntarie  supera  atque  infima  deservire  conantur  per 
cromata  ne  nos  pellacis  circumveniendo  vapide  insidiatoris  astutia  im- 
paratos  mole  presses  inmisericorditer  ut  sui  moris  est  excruciet  ex  omni 
mentis  conamine  cordisque  auditu  prout  vii-es  divina  opitulante  clemen- 
cia  nostrse  animadvertendum  est  alma  quid  apostolica  cotidie  intonat 
tuba  dicens:  Ecce  nunc  tempus  acceptabile,  ecce  nunc  dies  salutis; 
et  item :  Dum  tempus  habemus  operemus  bonum  (ad)  omnes,  maxime 
autem  ad  domesticos  fidei. 

Quam  ob  rem  ego  /Edelraed  dei  favente  dementia  Angligene  nationis 
imperator  quandam  telluris  portionem,  id  est  duas  mansas  ten-e  in  loco 
qui  celebri  vocabulo  at  Berewican  appellatur  ad  monasterium  beatis- 
simi  Petri  celestis  clavigeri  in  loco  nobili  qui  Westminster  nominatur  pro 
anime  mee  remedio  ad  sustentac(i)onera  fratrum  deo  inibi  deservientium 
in  perpetuam  confirmo  hereditatem  quatinus  ipsa  congregacio  pervigiles 
pro  me  jugiter  intercessiones  exsolvat  solertique  industria  deo  ej  usque 
apostolo  felici  habitu  deserviat.  nam  ejusdem  loci  abbas  vocitamine 
iElfvvi  ipsaque  familia  banc  prefatam  terram  a  me  cum  centum  auri 
obrizi  mancusis  comparavit,  ea  etiam  interposita  condicione  ut  tres- 
centas  pro  me  missarum  oblaciones  ofFerant,  totidemque  Davitici  cursus 
modulationes  pro  me  mente  devota  persolvant. 

Sit  autem  hec  prefata  terra  deo  ejusque  apostolo  donata  ab  omni 
secularis  gravidine  servitutis  exinanita  cum  universis  que  ad  dictam 
pertinere  noscuntur  in  magnis  sive  modicis  rebus,  exceptis  tribus, 
expeditione  videlicet  pontis  arcisve  recuperacione.  si  quis  autem,  quod 
non  optamus  hoc  nostre  munificencie  donum  pervertere  conamine  stolido 
studuerit,  collegio  privatus  perpetue  felicitatis  aerumpnam  hauriat 


168 


Gilbert  Crispin 


atrocissime  calamitatis  mortis,  nisi  ante  terminum  presumptionem  banc 
temerariam  legati  satisfaccione  emendare  studuerit. 

Istis  terminis  predicta  tellus  circumcincta  clarescit. 

iErest  of  pan  hlape  into  theoburnan.  norS  anglang  teoburnan  to 
Cuforda.  of  Cuforda  to  paetlinga  straete.  east  andlang  straste  to  j^am 
setle.  of  pam  setle  on  hinan  croftes  ge  xnsere.  panon  souS  to  )?an  ealdan 
straete.  of  pare  straete  eft  to  patlinga  straete.  andlang  strate  to  Jjare 
ealden  perbrode.  ]?anan  to  f  as  ealder  mannes  ge  maere.  ];anan  suS  rihte 
to  akemannestraete.  pest  andlang  straete  to  cyrringe.  I^anon  eft  on  pone 
blape. 

Anno  dominice  incarnacionis  .M.ij.  indictione  .xv.  anno  vero  prefati 
regis  Aedelraedi  .xxiiij.  scripta  est  bee  scedula  hiis  bierarcbis  con- 
sentientibus,  quorum  nomina  inferius  caraxantur. 

^  Ego  Aedelraed  rex  Anglorum  boc  donum  dedi  et  confii-mavi. 
tj<  Ego  Aelfric  arcbiepiscopus  Dorovernensis  ecclesie  concessi.  »J<  Ego 
Aelfbean  episcopus  corroboravi.  ^  Ego  Wulfstan  episcopus  impressi. 
^  Ego  Aelfstan  episcopus  adnotavi.  Ego  Aelfbean  episcopus  con- 
sensi.  (J«  Ego  Aedelric  episcopus  imposui.  >J<  Ego  Adulf  episcopus 
adquievi.  ^<  Ego  Aelfpeard  abbas.  ^<  Ego  Aelfsige  abbas.  >J(  Ego 
Kenulf  abbas.  ^  Ego  fulfgar  abbas.  »i<  Ego  Godpine  abbas.  ^<  Ego 
Aelfric  dux.  ij(  Ego  AeSelmaer  minister.  ^<  Ego  Ordulf  m.  >J«  Ego 
^ulfgeat  in.  lii  Ego  fulpbeah  m.  »J<  Ego  fulfric  in.  >h  Ego  Eadric  m. 
iji  Ego  iESelric  m.    ^  Ego  Ulfhcitel  in. 

In  discussing  tbe  '  berewic  of  tbe  vill  of  Westminster  called  Toten- 
bala'  on  p.  40,  I  was  unwilling  to  introduce  a  furtber  complication 
by  referring  to  the  above  charter  of  K.  Ethelred  which  grants  '  two 
manses  in  the  place  called  at  Berewican.'  But  it  is  possible  that  this 
charter  may  have  some  bearing  on  tbe  problem ;  and  in  any  case  I 
am  glad  to  print  it  here,  as  it  has  never,  I  think,  seen  tbe  light,  and  its 
ancient  boundaries  deserve  to  be  studied  in  connexion  with  those  given 
for  the  abbey  estate  in  the  well-known  charter  of  K.  Edgar. 

That  charter  of  K.  Edgar  confirms  to  Westminster  Abbey  five 
manses,  which  belonged  to  the  church  in  the  time  of  K.  Offa.  These 
five  manses  are  confirmed  by  K.  Ethelred  in  the  general  charter  which 
precedes  the  present  one  (£  80).  Here  K.  Ethelred  adds  two  manses 
•  at  Berewican.' 

K.  Edward  the  Confessor  confirms  seventeen  manses  and  a  half'  circa 
illud  monasterium  ' :  in  some  of  his  charters  they  are  called  hides. 


A  Charter  of  King  Ethelred 


169 


The  following  translation  of  the  boundaries  in  K.  Ethelred 's  charter 
is  kindly  given  me  by  Professor  Skeat. 

First  from  the  mound  to  Teoburne  :  northwards  along  Teoburne  to  Cuford. 
From  Cuford  to  Watling  street :  eastwards  along  (the)  street  to  the  dwelling-place. 
From  the  dwelling-place  to  Hinan-croft's  boundary.  Thence  southwards  to  the 
old  street.  From  the  street  back  to  Watling  street :  along  (the)  street  to  the 
old  gallows.  Thence  to  the  Alderman's  boundary  :  thence  southwards  straight  to 
Akeman's  street.  Westwards  along  (the)  street  to  Cyrriuge.  Thence  back  to  the 
mound. 

On  the  text  Professor  Skeat  makes  the  following  notes : 

The  copy  seems  to  be  a  Norman  scribe's  copy,  as  it  has  a  few  mistakes  which 
an  A.S.  scribe  would  hardly  make. 

1.  1.    Theohurnan :  error  for  Teo — .    anglang :  for  andlang. 

1.  3.  hinan  a-oft  had  better  be  left  as  Hinan-croft,  which  is  quite  .safe.  It  cannot 
here  mean  '  hence,'  as  that  would  require  hinan  on  (not  on  hinan). 

1.  3.  SOU'S  :  Norman  for  suS.  An  important  spelling,  as  ou  for  u  is  seldom  found 
before  1300. 

1.  4.    strate  :  miswritten  for  strcete ;  quite  inadmissible :  strete  was  possible. 
1.  5.    ealdea :  for  ealdan.  jierkrode :  for  jiearhrode.  ]>ana7i :  better  panon.  ealder : 
better  ealdor. 

In  view  of  these  notes  it  is  interesting  to  add — what  the  Professor 
did  not  know  at  the  time — that  the  copy  was  made  about  the  year 
1306  :  this  being  the  approximate  date  of  the  Westminster  '  Domesday.' 

I  add  the  following  valuable  comments  from  a  letter  which  Professor 
Skeat  has  also  written  : 

It  is  only  safe  to  take  Hinancroft  as  a  proper  name.  It  probably  means  '  croft  of 
the  hind '  or  farm-servant.  But  the  history  of  the  word  '  hind '  is  imperfectly  known, 
and  this  is  the  earliest  example  of  the  form  hinan,  with  a  final  n. 

It  is  even  possible  that  Hinan  is  the  gen.  sing,  of  Hivxi ;  ealder  marines  is  the  gen. 
of  ealderman  = '  alderman ' ;  '  old '  would  be  ealdes  or  ealdan. 

You  will  see  that  I  give  an  older  boundary,  about  959,  which  seems  to  go  round 
the  other  way,  and  coincides  for  a  short  distance.  '  From  Cuford  along  Tyburn ' 
instead  of  'along  T.  to  C  [see  below]. 

I  find  several  points  of  interest. 

1.  Teoburne  is  the  old  form  of  Tyburn,  which  ought  rather  to  have  come  out 
as  Teeburn. 

2.  CM/o?'rf=Cu-ford  =  Cowford.    It  keeps  (3;2,/orc?  in  countenance  ! 

3.  Mention  of  Akemann  Street,  which  went  to  Akemannes-ceaster,  i.e.  to  Bath. 

4.  Cyrringe:  inferior  spelling  of  Cerringa,  gen.  pi.  of  Cerringas='' t\\Q  sons  of 
Cerr,'  in  very  early  times  pronounced  Kerr,  riming  with  the  German  Herr.  It  is  the 
same  name  as  Charing  in  Kent,  which  is  mentioned  a.d.  799. 

This  is  important,  as  it  is  by  far  the  oldest  mention  of  Charing  in  Loudon. 
Places  like  this  are  fouud  in  all  three  forms  :  (1)  nom.  pi.  Cerringas,  (2)  gen.  pi. 
Cerringa  (later  -ge),  (3)  dat.  pi.  Cerringum.    They  indicate  family  settlements. 

11—5 


170 


Gilbert  Crispin 


The  older  boundary  to  which  Professor  Skeat  refers  is  that  of 
K.  Edgar's  charter.  It  is  printed  in  Birch,  Cartularmm  Saxonicum  ill 
261,  and  less  satisfactorily  by  Widmore  and  in  the  Monasticon.  I  print  it 
here  from  the  ultimate  source,  Ch.  no.  v  of  the  Westminster  muniments, 
which  if  not  the  original  is  certainly  an  early  copy. 

iErest  up  of  temese.  andlang  merfleotes.  to  pollene  stocce.  spa  on  bulunga 
fenn.  of  '5am  fenne.  seft  'Sajr  ealdan  die  to  cuforde.  of  cuforde  upp  andlang 
teoburnan  to  J^seife  ]>ide]  here  street,  sefter  ^Joere  here  strset.  to  •Ssere  ealde  stoccene 
see  andreas  cyrieean.  spa  innan  lundene  fenn.  Andlang  fennes  sud  on  temese. 
on  midden  streame.  andlang  stremes  be  lande  7  be  strande  eft  on  merfleote. 

1.  3.    Birch  prints  teobernan  (a  misprint). 

1.  5.    The  scribe  has  omitted  the  a  of  streames. 

An  expanded  form  of  this  charter  is  found  in  Ch.  no.  vi,  a  faulty 
transcript  of  which  is  printed  in  an  appendix  by  Birch  (iii  693).  To 
that  transcript  is  apparently  due  the  form  '  Bulinga,'  which  has  obtained 
a  wide  currency.  But  '  Bulunga '  is  the  reading  of  the  charter ;  and 
its  only  actual  variants  from  Ch.  no.  v,  so  far  as  the  boundaries  are 
concerned,  are  the  following: 
1.  2.    Om.  of  cuforde. 

1.  3.    stret  (bis) :  ^oere  (secundo  loeo)]  there. 
1.  4.    cyrieean']  on  Holeburne :  Lundane :  sufS. 

1.  5.    middan.  ' 

Once  again  I  have  to  thank  Professor  Skeat,  who  has  given  me 
the  following  translation : 

First,  up  from  the  Thames  along  Merfleet  to  Pollene-stock.  So,  to  Bulungs'  fen. 
From  the  fen,  following  the  old  dike,  to  Cuford.  From  Ciiford,  up  along  Teoburne, 
to  the  wide  army-street :  along  the  array-street  to  the  old  foundation ^  of  St  Andrew's 
church.  So,  within  London-fen.  Along  the  fen  southwards  to  the  Thames  to  mid- 
stream [i.e.  giving  rights  over  the  nearer  half  of  the  liver] :  along  the  stream,  by  land 
and  by  strand  [i.e.  along  the  edge,  for  those  on  foot],  back  to  Merfleet. 

1  See  note  in  Earle,  Land  Charters,  p.  465. 


INDEX 


[The  figures  refer  to  the  pagex;  except  those  with  'No.'  prefixed,  which  refer  to 
the  Selected  Charters,  pp.  125—157] 


Abbo  of  Fleury  68,  69  n. 
Abetot,  Urse  de  33,  Nos.  27,  28 
Abingdon,  abbey  of  17,  36,  41,  Nos.  1, 

4,  13,  22,  33,  39  :  see  Faricius 
  History  of  Abingdon  17,  46  n.,  126, 

Nos.  4,  12  f.,  18,  22,  26,  35,  37 
Acelinus,  capellanus  No.  6 
Adam  de  Beln'  15',) 
Adrian  IV,  pope  158  f.,  165 
Aedric,  prepositus  Nos.  6f.,  36 
Aedward  of  Watecumba  No.  6 
Aegeluuard,  monk  of  Westminster  27 
Aelfric,  abp  of  Canterbury  168 
Aelfwine,  prefectus  de  Kent  47 
Agamundus,  parson  of  Wochendon  No.  6 
Agelwardus  clericus  158,  No.  10  :  cf.  Alf- 

wardus,  Aluuardus 
Agnes,  wife  of  Will.  Crispin  II  14,  16 
Ailnod  (Aelfnoth)  of  London  45,  No.  2 
Ailred,  abbot  of  Eievaulx  23,  55,  59 
Ailric  46 

Akeman's  Street  168  f. 

Alau  of  Eichmond,  count  Nos.  11  f. 

Alberic  de  Ver  Nos.  39,  43 

  of  Eheims  52 

Albertus  Lotharingus  No.  11  n. 
Albineio,  Nigel  de  34  n.,  164 

  W.  de  164 

Alderman's  Boundary  168  f. 
Aldwin,  abbot  of  Eamsey  42  n. 
Aldwyn  (Alwy),  a  hermit  33 
Alexander  II,  pope  8 

 •  bp  of  Lincoln  61 

Alfricus  cementarius  No.  6 

Alfwardus  (Ailwardus)  grossus  158,  165  : 

cf.  Agelwardus,  Aluuardus 
Alfwin  (Alwin),  socheman  161 
Alleluia  (duplex)  75  f. 

almonry  of    Westminster    {domus  clemo- 
sinaria)  30,  38 


Alnou,  Fulc  d'  14 

Aluuardus  de  Lundonia  156,  Nos.  5,  11 : 

cf.  Agelwardus,  Alfwardus 
Amaury  III  of  Montfort  I'Amaury  15 
Ambrose,  St  68,  69  n.,  113,  120  f. 
Amfrida  15 

Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  16,  38  f. 

Auselm  If.;  at  Bee  4-12,  15,  18  f.,  103, 
108,  No.  17  ;  abp  of  Canterbury  20-3, 
25,  29,  39,  66  f.,  141 ;  mitis  26  ;  dedica- 
tions to  60,  71,  111 ;  on  the  Immaculate 
Conception  73 

  his  Letters  78-81,  7  n.,  9-11,  13, 

15  n.,  19  f.,  23  n.,  29  n.,  66 
  Cur  deus  homo?  22,  64 

Anselm  of  Laon  51 

Ausgotus  87 

Aosta  5,  13 

Asciulus  de  Taneyo  No.  37 

Athelais,  first  wife  of  G.  de  Mandeville 

32,  Nos.  1,  6,  15 
Augustine,  St,  Quuest.  in  Kum.  70  n.  ;  de 

Trinitate  72 
Aultona  No.  3 

bailiff  of  Westminster  46 
Bainiardus  39  f.  :  cf.  Baynard 
Baldric,  father  of  Fulc  d'Alnou  14 

  de  Bocquence  14 

  prior  of  Bee  20 

Baldwin,  abbot  of  Castellio  (Chatillon)  51 

  monk  of  Bee  and  Canterbury  8 

Bari  31 
Basilia  15 

Basset,   B(alph)  159,   164,   Nos.  29,  30, 

39,  43 
Batailla,  Geoffrey  47 
Bath  18,  No.  28 

  John,  bp  of  26  n..  No.  28 

Battersea  47,  No.  19 


172 


Index 


Battle  Abbey,  see  Henry 
Bayeux,  John  of  160  n.,  164 

  bps  of,  see  Harcourt,  Odo 

Baynard,  Geoffrey  38  f. 

  Juga  (?Inga)  39 

  Kalph  38  f.,  50  n.,  Nos.  If. 

  William  31,  38-40,  No.  27 

Bayuard's  Castle  38  f. 
Beatrice,  dau.  of  Geoffrey  Mandeville  No.  3 
Beaucbamp    (Bello    Campo),    Hugh  de 
Nos.  9,  27 

  Milo,  Pain,  Simon  and  Walter  No.  9 

Beaumont-le-Eoger,  necrology  of  15  n. 
Beaumont,  Roger  of  No.  4 

  Robert  (de  Bello  Monte)  30  n. :  of. 

Robert 

Bee,  abbey  of  1-9,  11,  14-8,  20,  58,  94, 
96-110,  No.  13;  St  Mary  of  15,  17; 
Abhas  Beccensis  20,  No.  17  ;  Lives  of 
the  Abbots  of  p.  13,  18 ;  Customs  of  6, 
28;  Library  of  52-3,  59  f.,  68;  monks 
of  8f.,  14-6,  18,  20,  31,  103,  160,  165; 
Tooting  Bee,  No.  2 

Bekesbourne  48 

Belesme,  Robert  of  16 

Belgeham  No.  3 

Benedict's  Rule,  St  6 

Benfleet  41,  49 

Berewican  167  f.  :  see  berwika 

Berkshire  Nos.  6,  12,  36 

Bernard,  St  51,  56 

•          bp  of  St    David's    26,   34,  164, 

No.  37 

Bernay  1,  28 

Bernivilla,  Osbertus  de  No.  37 
Bertherol  (Berquerola),  Robert  de  No.  40 
benoika  (benvicum)  of  Westminster  38,  40, 

168  :  cf.  Berewican 
Beslun,  Robert  de  No.  37 
Bigod,  Hugh  No.  4 

  Roger  .30 n.,  Nos.  4f.,  10-2,  19 

  WiUiam  No.  4 

Birch,  Cartularium  Saxonicnm  170 
Bisselega  No.  19 
Black  Death,  the  45 
Bloccenham  No.  40 
Bocquenc^,  Baldric  de  14 
Boehmer,  H.,  Church  and  State  56 
Bonneville  (Burnenvilla)  91 
Bordeaux,  Geoffrey,  bp  of  51 
Bordesdena  Nos.  6,  36 
Bosco,  Robert  de  (du  Bois)  51  f. 
Boselinus  de  Diva  47 


Boston  of  Bury  53,  55  f. ,  60 
Boulogne  100 :  see  Eustace,  Godfrey 
Brampton  No.  4 

Brayley  and  Britton,  Ancie7it  Palace  of 

Westminster  35 
Bremule,  battle  of  16 
Brinkbourne  53,  60 
Brionne  2,  16,  94  ;  see  Gilbert 
Buckingham  No.  9 

Buckland,  Hugh  de  Nos.  12,  20,  27,  29, 
33,  37  f. 

  WilHam  de  48,  Nos.  12,  37 

Bulungs'  Feu  170 
Burleigh,  Lord  30 
Burne  48 

Burnham  Nos.  9,  37 

Bury,  abbey  of  St  Edmund  29  :  abbots 
of,  see  Robert,  Sampson ;  library  of  53, 
60  :  see  Boston 

Caen,  St  Stephen's  5-8,  11  n.,  16  n..  No. 
27 ;  Gilbert,  abbot  of  81  :  see  Lanfranc 
  Holy  Trinity  17  n. 

Calixtus  II,  pope  164 

Calthrop,  Miss  M.  M.  C.  33  n. 

Cambridgeshire  No.  19 

camera,  see  chamberlain 

Cannock  (Canoe')  No.  32  / 

Canterbury  1  f.,  7  f.,  20,  23,  25  f.,  99,  102  ; 
abps  of,  see  Aelfric,  Anselm,  Lanfranc, 
Ralph,  Theobald,  Thomas ;  privilege  of 
19  n.  ;  William,  archdeacon  of  66 

  Christ  Church  28 ;  customs  of  28  ; 

priors  of  8  (Henry),  66  (Ernulf) ;  monks 
of  8 

  St  Augustine's,  Hugh,  abbot  of  23 

Capon,  Mr  Will.  35  n. 
Celceia  No.  37 

cellarer  of  Westminster  49  n. 
Chalons,  R.  du  Bois,  archdeacon  of  51, 
62 

chamberlain's  office  at  Westminster  30, 

41,  43-5,  48 
Champeaux,  William  of,  61 
Charing  (Cyrringe)  168  f. 
Chatillon,  Baldwin,  abbot  of  51 
Chertsey,  Wulfwold,  abbot  of  No.  3 
Chester,  Hugh,  earl  of  29,  No.  36 
Chillenden  (Cillentuna,  Sillingtune,  Cho- 

lyngton)  41,  45-8 
Cippenham  (Sippenham)  41,  45,  48,  Nos. 

9,  37 

Clarebaldus  medicus  No.  37 


Index 


173 


Cleygate  Nos.  23  f. 

Clifford,  Landricus  de  34  n. 

Clinton,  Geoffrey  de  164,  Nos.  29,  40 

Cluny  5,  6,  28 

Cnicbtongild  Nos.  29,  37 

Codenhlawe  40 

Colchester  Nos.  9,  17 ;  abbey  of  St  John 
the  Baptist  No.  9,  pp.  158-66  ;  Gilbert, 
abbot  of,  160 

Colebroc'  17  n. 

Coleham,  Hugh  de  20,  No.  27 
Comberton  (Cumbritona,  Cumbrinton)  41, 

43,  49,  Nos.  27  f. 
Cond6,  Pierre  de  14 
Constantinople  14 
'coomb'  41,  43 

CormeiUes,  William,  abbot  of  15,  103 
Courcy,  Kobert  de  14,  cf.  Curci 
Coutances,  G.,  bp  of  No.  10 
Cowley  (Coueley)  41,  49 
Crispin,  meaning  of  13 

  Emma  14 

  Esilia  14 

  Fulk  18 

  Gilbert  I  13  f. 

  Gilbert  II  14,  17 

  GUbert  lU  14 

  Gilbert,  abbot  of  Westminster:  see 

Gilbert 

  Gilbert,  monk  of  Bee  18 

  Goscelin  18 

  Mile,  precentor  of  Bee  13,  18,  58  n. 

  MUo  (of  England)  17,  Nos.  11-3 

  Kobert  14 

  William  I  7,  13  f. 

  William  II  14,  16 

  William  HI  14,  17 

  WiUiam  IV  18 

Croyland  abbey  No.  4 
Cuford  (Cow-ford)  168-70 
Curci,  William  de  No.  4,  22 

  Richard  No.  22 

  Robert  No.  22,  cf.  Courcy 

Customary,  abbot  Ware's  28,  43-5 
customs  of  Bee  6,    28 ;   of  Canterbury 
28 

D'Achery  9  n.,  13,  28  n.,  58  f.,  77  n. 

David,  count  of  Huntingdon  164,  No.  38 

DeUsle,  M.  Leopold  27,  59 

Deorman  37  n. ;  three  daughters  of  No.  29 

Dijon  28;  William  of  1 

Ditton  (Ditona)  Nos.  23  f. 


Doddington  (Dodintuna,  Dotinton)  41,  45  f., 
Nos.  25  f. 

Domesday  Survey  17,  20,  28-9,  33,  38-40, 
43,  46-9,  Nos.  If.,  6,  8,  16  f.,  23, 
26  f. 

  Book  at  Winchester  35 

  of  St  Paul's  42 

  of  Westminster  37  f.,  125,  162,  169 

Dover  101 

Duces worthe  (Dochesworde)  46,  No.  26 
Duchesne,  Andr6  59 
Dunmow,  Chronicle  of  39 
Dunstan's  charter,  St  47  n.,  49  n. 
Durham,  bps  of;  see  Eanulf  Flambard, 
William  of  St  Carileph 

Eadmer  7n.,  21  n.,  23  n.,  26  n.,  66  n. 
Eckinton,  Robert  de  No.  27 
Edgar,  king  27  ;  his  charter  168,  170 
Edward  the  Confessor,  St :  the  opening  of 
his  tomb  24  f.  ;   his  church  at  West- 
minster 35,  and  feretrum  37;  27,  31, 
33,  163,  Nos.  2,  4,  9,  12  ;  his  staUers 
p.  32,  50;  his  charters  40,  47,  162, 
164,  166,  168;  tevipore  Edwardi  Nos. 
17,  23  f. ;  Ailred's  Life  of  p.  23,  55,  59 
Edwin,  abbot  of  Westminster  1,  35 
Elmley  No.  9 

Ely  31,  34,  41,  44;  Symeon  abbot  of  44: 
cf.  Hely 

  Liber  Eliensis  31  n.,  44 

enfeoffment  of  a  knight  38,  41 

Eugheram  pincerua  No.  6 

Ernulf,  prior  of  Ch.  Ch.  Canterbury  66 

Esgar,  the  staller  32 

Essenduna  38  n. 

Essex  32  n.,  38  f.,  43,  45,  49  f.,  Nos.  If., 

8,  17,  22 
Estham  45 

Etheldreda,  translation  of  St  31 
Ethelred,  telligraphus  of  king  47  ;  charter 

of  167  ff. 
Etr6pagny,  Godfrey  de  16 
Eu,  count  of  No.  6 

  Henry  count  of  (de  Auco)  164 

  William  of  38 

Eudo  dapifer  159-61,  165  f.,  Nos.  9,  18 
Eugenius  III,  pope  51 
Euremou,  Hugh  de  46,  Nos.  25  f. 
Eustace,  count  of  Boulogne,  senior  No. 
26  ;  his  wife  101 

  junior  46,  Nos.  3,  25  f. 

Eva  (Crispin),  the  lady  7,  9,  14-6,  20 


174 


Index 


Evesham,  abbey  of  17  n.,  21;  Chronicle 

of  Evesham  21  n. 
Evreux,  Gilbert,  bp  of  110 
Exeter,  bp  of  23  :  see  William  Warehvast 
Extenta  Conventus  Westm'  41 
Eye  41,  Nos.  G,  15  f.,  20 

Fanton  (Fenton)  41,  49,  Nos.  23  f. 
Faricius,  abbot  of  Abingdon  17  n.,  36  n., 

126,  No.  39 
Fecamp  1,  28;  John,  abbot  of  1 
Fering  (Feringes)  47  n.,  Nos.  17,  22 
Jirma  41  f. 

Fitz  Algod,  Ralph  No.  37 
Fitz  Count,  see  Otwel 
Fitz  Fulk,  William  No.  37 
Fitz  Gilbert,  Eiehard  39,  Nos.  1  f.,  9,  26, 
42 

Fitz  Haimo,  Eobert  No.  16 
Fitz  Herbert,  Herbert  46 

  Peter  46 

  Richard  No.  37 

Fitz  Martel,  William  No.  15 

Fitz  Milo,  Hugh  No.  13 

Fitz  Osbern,  William,  dapifer  Nos.  2,  9 

Fitz  Oter,  Walter  No.  12 

Fitz  Ralph,  R.  No.  26 

  WaUeran  16  n. 

Fitz  Richard,  Gilbert  No.  26 

  Robert  39 

  Roger  16,  Nos.  26,  42 

Fitz  Robert,  Walter  39 

Fitz  Suain,  Robert  49  f.,  No.  8 

Fitz  Thorold  (Toraldi),  Gilbert  No.  27 

Fitz  Walter,  Robert  39 

Fitz  Wimarc,  Robert  50 

Flete,  Histonj  of  Westminster  19  n.,  26, 

29  n.,  30  n.,  36  n.,  41  u.,  43 
Foliot,  Richard  49  n. 

 Robert  48  f . 

forgeries,  monastic  36,  126  f.,  162,  165  f. 
Fraehevilla,  Richard  de  47 
Fulk,  nephew  of  Gilbert  of  Surrey  No.  19: 
see  d'Alnou,  Crispin,  Gilbert 

Gallia  Christiana  16 

gallows,  the  old  168  f. 

Gautier  le  vieux,  count  of  Pontoise  14 

Geoffrey,  abbot  of  St  Albans  42 

  bp  of  Bordeaux  51 

  of  Jumi^ges,  abbot  of  Westminster 

1,  35 

  de  Mandeville :  see  Mandeville 


Geoffrey,  miles  No.  15 

  count  of  Perche  50 

  Plantagenet,  count  of  Anjou  17 

  abp  of  Rouen  164 

Gerard,  abp  of  York  21,  No.  18 

Gerberon,  Dom  Gabriel  61 

Gerbert  (Pope  Sylvester)  68 

Gervase,  abbot  of  Westminster  37,  41,  43, 

47,  158  f.,  165 
Gestingthorpe  No.  27 
Ghent,  abbey  of  St  Peter  No.  4 
Giffard,  Walter  164,  No.  9 

  William,   bp  of   Winchester:  see 

William 

Gilbert  Crispin,  abbot  of  Westminster 
1-4  ;  at  Bee  7,  15  ;  at  Canterbury  8  f., 
19;  at  Westminster  10-2,  17,  19-27; 
his  administration  28-49,  161,  165, 
Nos.  2,  5f.,  8f.,  11  n.,  12  f.,  15-7,  19- 
21,  26  f.,  31-3,  37-9,  42;  his  epitaph 
26  ;  his  fame  52  ;  mss  of  his  writings 
53-6  ;  writings  falsely  attributed  to  him 
56-7  ;  his  literary  remains  58-76 ;  cor- 
respondence 77-82 

 Vita  Herluini  58-60,  87-110;  Dis- 

putatio  Judaei  cum  Christiana  23,  52-4, 
58-67,  81-2  ;  de  Simoniacis  23,  52,  55  f., 
58,  67-70,  111-124;  de  Spiritu  Sancto  23, 
55,  58,  70-2;  de  Casu  Diaholi  53  f.,  58, 
72;  de  Anima  53  f.,  58,  72  f. ;  Sermo  in 
Ramis  Palmarum  54,  58,  73  ;  Versus  ad 
Anselmum  22,  54,  58,  83 ;  Disputatio 
Christiani  cum  Gentili  54,  58,  73-5  ;  de 
veritate  Corporis  et  Sanguinis  Domini 
52,  54,  57  n. ,  72  ;  Sermo  in  dedicatione 
ecclesiae  52,  57 ;  Omelia  super  Cum  in- 
gressiis  Jesus  52,  57 ;  Epistolae  Hi  52, 
57 

Gilbert,  count  of  Brionne  2  n.,  3,  14,  87- 
90,  94,  No.  1 

  abbot  of  St  Stephen's,  Caen  11  n., 

81 

  of  Bee,  abbot  of  Colchester  160 

  of  Hoyland,  abbot  of  Swyneshed  53, 

56-7 

  bp  of  Limerick  26  n.,  57 

  de  la  Por6e,  bp  of  Poitiers  51,  57 

  sheriff  of  Surrey  No.  19 

  the  Universal,  bp  of  London  52, 

No.  30 

  frater    Willelmi    (filius  Fulconis), 

No.  37 

Girardus  frater  Willelmi  No.  27 


Index 


175 


Glamorgan,  Urban,  bp  of  No.  26  n. 
Gloucester  163,  No.  5;   abbey   of  36, 

No.  18 
Godard  No.  27 
Godfrey  of  Bouillon  No.  3 
Godobald  No.  8 

Godwin  of  Turroc,  capellanus  No.  6 
Goslanus  (Gislanus)  159 
Gournay,  Hugh  de  15 
Gregory  the  Great  67  n. 
Greneford,  Hacinulf  of  No.  6 
gruium  41,  43 
Grunzo  38 

Gundulf,  prior  of  St  Stephen's,  Caen  8 ; 

bp  of  Rochester  9  u.,  24  f.,  103 
Gundwinus,  monk  of  Bee  165 
Gunuor,  wife  of  Gilbert  Crispin  I  14 
Gunter  17,  42  f .,  No.  13 

Hacinulf  de  Greneford,  and  Robert  nepos 

ejus  No.  6 
Hadleigh  (Hadleya)  45 
Haimo  dapifer  34  n. ,  No.  16 
Hairun,   Roulf   de    Nos.   5  f.,    15 ;  and 

Geoffrey  nepos  ejus  No.  15 
Hales,  Archdeacon  42 
Hall,  Mr  Hubert  30  u.,  48 
Hamme  apud  Ospreng  45 
Hampstead  (Haemstede)  40 
Hamslape    (Hamesclape),    Warinus  de 

No.  37 

  Michael  No.  37 

Hanworth  (Hanewrde)  41,  49 

Harcourt,  Philippe  de,   bp  of  Bayeaux 

53,  60 

Harold,  king  49  n..  No.  17 
Havering  No.  22 
Helois  87 

Hely  (Heli),  insula  No.  6,  36;  cf.  Ely 
Hendon  (Heaendune)  17,  40,  42,  No.  13 
Henry  I  16  f.,  19  n.,  23,  29,  33  f.,  36,  39, 

44,  46,  126,  158-61,  163,  165-6,  Nos. 

4-6,  9,  16,  18-24,  26-36,  38-43 
Henry  II  17,  46,  50,  166,  Nos.  36,  43 
Henry  IV  25 
Henry  VIII  33,  48 

Henry,  dean  of  Canterbury,  and  abbot  of 
Battle  8,  103 
  of  Essex  50 

  the  Lion,  duke  of  Saxony  50 

  earl  of  Warwick  Nos.  4  f.,  26 

Herbert,  monk  of  Bee  31 
  the  chamberlain  Nos.  18,  27 


Herbert,  bishop  of  Lisieux  3,  93 

  Losiuga,  bp  of  Norwich  34,  67 

 "abbot  of  Westminster  31,  34,  37  n., 

43  f.,  46,  158,  161,  163-5,  Nos.  19, 
31,  43 

  monk  of  Westminster  31,  38 

  the   steward    (di>ipensator)    of  the 

abbot  of  Westminster  30,  No.  37 
  Mr  .1.  C.  55  u. 

Hereward  14  n.,  40  n. 

Herlewyn,  frater  Grunzonis  38 

Herluin,  abbot  of  Bee  1-G,  8,  11,  14  f. ; 
devotus  26  ;  Gilbert  Crispin's  Life  of  58- 
60,  87-110;  altera  vita  60 

Hernostus,  bp  of  Rochester  103 

Hertfordshire  39,  49 

Hildendone  17  n. 

Hinan-croft  168  f. 

Holauesssel,  Hugo  de  No.  27 

Holborn  170 

'  hops  '  de  brasio  41,  43 

Hubert  de  Rye  (Ria)  165,  No.  9 
  monk  of  Westminster  No.  4 

Hugh,  abbot  of  St  Augustine's,  Canter- 
bury 23 

  earl  of  Chester  29,  No.  36 

 de  Coleham,  dapifer  of  Westminster 

30,  No.  27 
  (de  Orivalle),  bp  of  London  Nos. 

2,  30 

  monk  of  Westminster  31,  33  f. 

  precentor  of  York  19  n. ,  21 

Huntingdonshire  Nos.  19,  38 
Hurley  Priory  32-4,  Nos.  6f.,  35  £. 
Hyde  Park  33 

Ilteney  (Elteneya)  41,  49 
infirmarer  of  Westminster  46 
Ingulfus  49  n. 

Innocent  I,  pope  70  u.,  114 

  II,  pope  41,  43 

investitures,  question  of  21,  67 

Iveney  (Gyveneya)  No.  12 

Ivo  Taillebois  29  n.,  Nos.  4,  9,  27 

James,  Dr  M.  R.  53  n.,  57 
Jerusalem  17 

Jews  in  London  GO ;  the  Jew  of  Mainz 

81-2;  converted  Jews  32,  66,  82 
Jocelin  of  Brakelond  29 
John,  bp  of  Bath  26  n..  No.  28 

  of  Bayeux  164,  160  n. 

  of  Fecamp  1 


176 


Index 


John  of  Salisbury  51 
Jordanus  37 

Jumi6ges  1,  35  f.,  60:  see  Geoffrey,  Robert, 
William 

Kelington  (Kelintuua)  47  u. 
Kensington  No.  39 
Kent  47,  No.  16 
Kilburn  Priory  34 
Kingsbury  No.  4 
kitchener  of  Westminster  46 
Knightsbridge  40,  41 
knight  service  37-41 

Lakingheth,  John,  monk  of  Westminster 
45,  49 

Lambeth  23,  26  n. 

Landricus  de  Clifford  34  n. 

Lanfranc  If.,  at  Bee  4,  95-9;  abbot  of 
Caen  5  f. ,  99 ;  abp  of  Canterbury  7- 
10,  20,  99,  102,  105-7  ;  sapiens  26 ;  his 
statutes  6,  7n.,  28;  letters  8f.,  77-8; 
opera  (ed.  D'Achery)  13,  16  n.,  18  n., 
28  n.,  58;  vita  LanJ'ranei  18,  58  f. 

Lanfranc  the  younger  9,  77,  80 

Laon,  Anselm  and  Kalph  of  51 

Laurence,  abbot  of  Westminster  23,  No.  43 

Lecelina  (Letselina),  second  wife  of  Geoffrey 
de  Mandeville  Nos.  6,  15 

Lechamstede  46  n. 

Leicester,  Robert,  earl  of  No.  4 

Leland  56 

Leo  I,  pope  114 

Leofric,  count  31 

Leosne  (Lesnes)  No.  42 

Leureth  16  n. 

Leuricus  Cnivet  No.  15 

Lewes  Priory  17  n.,  38 

Liber  Niger  Quatenius  45 

Limberga  33  n. 

Limerick,  Gilbert,  bp  of  26  n.,  57 
Lincoln  21  n.,  Nos.   25  f. ;    bps  of,  see 
Alexander,    Robert  Bloat,    Robert  de 
Chesney 
Lisieux  14  ;  bp  of,  see  Herbert 
Litlyngton,  abbot  of  Westminster,  163 
London :  via  Lunduniae  17  ;  life  in  Lon- 
don 74;  sheriff,  etc.,  of  32,  159,  Nos. 
4  f. ,  10  f.,  29,  38  f .  ;  rents  and  property 
in  41  f.,  45,  47,  158,  Nos.   2,  4,  29, 
38  f.;  apud  Lund'  Nos.  16,  23  f.  ;  Tur- 
rim  Lundon'  Nos.  34-6  :    see  Ailnod, 
Aluuard,  Jews 


London,  council  of  21  n. 

  bps  of :  exemption  from  36 :  see 

Gilbert,  Hugh,  Maurice,  Richard, 
Robert 

  Holy    Trinity    Priory    No.  29; 

churches  in :  St  James  super  ripam, 
St  Laurence,  St  Magnus  Martyr,  St 
Margaret  Eastcheap  No.  30,  St  Andrew 
Holborn  170  ;  see  Newchurch  (St  Mary) 

  Leureth  in  Lumlonia  16  n. ;  Wood 

Street  (Wodestrata)  16  n. ;  London  fen 
170 ;  see  Alderman's  Boundary,  Hinan- 
croft,  the  old  gallows 
Lotherslege  40 

MabUlon  68 

Mainz  81,  No.  36 

Malet,  William  14 

Mallet,  Mr  C.  E.  14  n. 

Mallinges  47  n. 

Malmesbury,  see  William 

Malvern  Priory  31,  33  f. 

Mandeville,    Geoffrey    de,    32,    39,  41, 

49  n.,   Nos.   1-7,    10,    12,  15,  16,  20, 

35,  36 

  Geoffrey  de,  the  younger,  earl  of 

Essex  32  n..  No.  6 

•  •  Richard  de  33,  Nos.  6,  37 

  William  de  33,  Nos.  6,  15,  20 

Mapleford  46 

Maria,  sister  of  Queen  Maud  No.  26 
Mardley  (Merdeleya)  41,  49 
Marlborough  No.  33 
Martuna  34  n. 

Mascherell,  Hugh  Nos.  6,  15 

  Hugh,  junior  No.  6 

  Roger  Nos.  6,  15 

  Walter  No.  6 

Matilda,  wife  of  William  I  106 

  (Queen  Maud),  wife  of  Henry  I 

26  f.,  126,  161,  Nos.  20,  22-4,  30,  35  f., 
38  f. 

  the  empress  Nos.  24,  36 

  dau.  of  Henry  II  50 

  wife  of  Milo  Crispin  17  n..  No.  1 

Maundy,  the  41,  44,  50 
Maurice,  bishop  of  London  19  n.,  21,  39, 
Nos.  5,  10,  18,  30,  39 

  monk  of  Canterbury  8 

  monk  of  Westminster  27,  31 

MauriHus,  abp  of  Rouen  7 
Merfleet  170 

Meulan  (Mellent),  see  Robert 


Index 


177 


Middlesex  32,  39,  49,  Nos.  12,  20 

Midleton,  Hugo  de  No.  87 

Milo,  see  Crispin 

Miraculum  quo,  etc.  13  f.,  17,  19 

Monte,  Gilbert  de  No.  32 

  Hugo  Nos.  32,  37 

  Richard  No.  32 

Montfort  I'Amaury  15 

  Simon  de,  earl  of  Leicester  15 

Mordon  No.  3 

Mortain,  Eobert,  count  of  No.  2 
Mosa  (villa)  Nos.  6,  36 
Mundona,  Ranulf  de  161 
Myra  31 

Neaufles  14 

Newcliureb,  St  Mary  (de  Westehepinge) 

15&-166,  Nos.  5,  10  f. 
Nicholas,  monk  of  Westminster  31,  38 

  chapel  of  St  31 

Nigel  de  Oleio  Nos.  1,  21 
Northamptonshire  48,  49  n.,  No.  32 
Norwich  34 ;  bishop  of,  see  Herbert  Lo- 
singa 

Notes  and  Queries  35  n. 

Ockendon  (Okkenduna,  Wokynton)  41,  45, 
49,  No.  22 

de   Observantia  Episcoporum  68-70 ;  see 
Ambrose 

Odo,  bp  of  Bayeux  47,  Nos.  2,  56 
Offa,  king  27 
Oini  No.  37 

Oleio,  Nigel  de  Nos.  1,  21 

  Eobert  de  17,  Nos.  1,  4  f. 

  Robert  de,  the  younger  No.  1 

Orderic  Vitalis  59,  Nos.  22,  27 

Ordgar  fitz  Deorman  No.  29 

Osbernus  clericus  No.  11  n.,  14 

Osbert  of   Clare,   prior  of  Westminster 
23-5,  27,  32 

Osmund,  bp  of  Salisbury  32,  No.  6 

Osuluestane  hundred  39 

Otbert  de  Surrey  No.  27 

Otto  aurifex  No.  27 

Otwel  fitz  Count  Nos.  34-7,  40 

Oxfordshire  17,  No.  32 

Paddington  40,  Nos.  23  f. 
Paglesham  (Pakelesam)  41,  49 
Palgrave,  English  Commonwealth  16  n. 
Parham  (Perham)  41,  45  f. 
Parker,  abp  59 


Paschal  II,  bull  of  36 
Passffiflamblart,  see  Ranulf  Flambard 
Perche,  Geoffrey,  count  of  50 
Pershore  No.  27 

Peter  de  Valognes  39,  50  n,  Nos,  9,  17, 
27 

Pfluck-Hartung  68 
Picheseye  161 
Picotus  No.  37 
Pierpoint,  Mr  Robert  35  n. 
Pierre  de  Cond6  14 

Pipard,  Gilbert,  Robert  and  Walter  No.  13 
Piriford  29  n.,  No.  19 
pitanciae  et  caritatis  41,  43 
Pits  57 

Plantagenet,  Geoffrey  17 
PoIIeue-stock  170 

Pontoise,  Gautier  le  vieux,  count  of  14 
Poree,  Gilbert  de  la,  bp  of  Poitiers  51  f., 
57 

Por6e,  M.  le  Chanoine  52  n.,  14  n.,  16  n., 

17,  18  n.,  26  n.,  31  n.,  59 
Prdaux  160,  No.  9 

Eadulphus  diabolus  No.  37 
Raimbercurt  (Renbodcurt),  Guy  de  49  n., 
No.  37 

Ralph,  abp  of  Canterbury  26,  34,  164 

  abbot  of  Westminster  46 

Rami  Cur',  Richard  de  No.  37 
Ramsey,    abbey    of   42  n..    No.    4 ;  see 
Aldwin 

Ranulf  Flambard,  bp  of  Durham  19  n,, 
44,  164,  Nos.  14,  20 

  the  Chancellor  34  n.,  164,  Nos.  29, 

34-6,  39 

  sheriff  of  Surrey  29  n.,  No.  2 

Rayleigh  50 

refectory  at  Westminster  65 
Remenham  No.  6 
Rheims,  Council  of  (a.d.  1148)  51 
Richard  I  166 
  Ill  35 

  son  of  Henry  I  164 

  duke  of  Normandy  14,  87 

  de  Belmeis,  bp  of  London  34  n., 

164  f.,  Nos.  30  f.,  38 

  Anselm's  servant  11,  81 

Richerius  (miles),  Nos.  6,  15,  27 
Richmond,  count  Alan  of  Nos.  11,  12 
Eiculfus,  monk  of  Westminster  27 
Robert,  prior  of  Westminster  and  abbot 
of  Bury  17,  23,  29,  31,  38,  No.  13 


178 


Index 


Kobert,  sou  of  Hugh,  earl  of  Chester  29 

  Dispensator  Nos.  9,  27  f. 

 Bloet,   bp  of  Lincoln  26  n.,  164, 

Nos.  25  f.,  28,  37-9,  42 

 de  Chesney,  bp  of  Lincoln  47  f. 

  of  Jumi^ges,  bp  of  London  33  f. 

  de  Bello  Monte,  count  of  Mellent 

16,  30  n.,  Nos.  4f.,  21 

  count  of  Mortain  No.  2 

  duke  of  Normandy  16,  87,  No.  9 

  a  converted  Jew  66 

Eochester,  8,  25,  59,  No.  26  ;  bps  of,  sec 

Gundulf,  Hernostus 
Kodulphus,  monk  of  Bee  16 
Koger,  Blundus  No.  6 

  abbot  (of  Lessay)  109 

  abbot  of  St  Evroul  29 

  bp  of  Salisbury  23,  26  n.,   34  n., 

164,  Nos.  20,  32,  36,  39 

  abp  of  York  51 

Kobaise,  wife  of  Pain  Beauchamp  No.  9 

  wife  of  Kichard  Fitz  Gilbert  Nos. 

2,  9 

 wife  of  Eudo  dapifer  No.  2 

Eouen  66,  160,  163  f.,  166;  abps  of,  sec 

Geoffrey,  Maurilius,  William 
Bound,  Dr  J.  H.  32  u.,  37,  38  u.,  41  n., 

46  n.,   49  n.,   50  n.,  125,  159-61,  165, 

Nos.   3,  4,   9,  11  n.,   13,  27,  29,  32, 

37,  39 

Kye  (Kia),  Hubert  de  Nos.  9,  11,  14 

Sable,  Robert  de  17 
Sagrinus  No.  37 
St  Albans,  the  firma  at  42 
St  Botolph,  Ely  44 
St  Davids,  bp  of,  see  Bernard 
St  Evroul  59,  see  Koger 
St  Paul's,  London,  archdeacon  and  chap- 
ter of  No.  30 
Salisbury  20,  38  ;  bps  of,  see  Osmund,  Roger 
Sampson,  abbot  of  Bury  29 
sanctuary,  rights  of  37 
Savigny,  sec  Vitalis 
Sawbridgeworth  Nos.  40  f. 
Septuagcsima,  meaning  of  75-6 
Sippenbam,  see  Cippenham 
Skeat,  Prof.  W.  W.  168  £f. 
(e)staUi  No.  43 
staller  32,  50 
Stanes  No.  12 
Stebenhith  45 

Stephen,  king  159,  162,  166 


steward  of  Westminster  30 
Stratford,  mill  at  39,  41,  45,  No.  2 
Suain  (Sueyn)  of  Essex  32,  45,  49,  50, 

Nos.  1  f.,  8,  17 
Sudbury,  St  Bartholomew's  priory  34 
Suger,  abbot  of  St  Denys  51 
Sulby  (Sulebi)  41,  45,  48  f. 
Surrey  29  n.,  Nos.  2  f.,  16,  19,  21 
Sussex  47  u. 
Swyncombe  17 
Swyneshed,  see  Gilbert 

Taillebois,  see  Ivo 
Tancardivilla,  W.  164 
Taneyo,  see  Asciulus 
Tatewelle  40  f. 
Tecewrde  No.  37 
Tenchebrai,  battle  of  16 
Teolwold,  bp  of  Worcester  42  n. 
Thames  170 

Theobald,  abp  of  Canterbury  2,  47  f.,  51 
Thomas  Becket,  abp  of  Canterbury  25,  51 

  II,  abp  of  York  19  n. 

Tilbury  (Tillabyri)  32,  No.  1 

Tilli^res  14 

Titebirst  41,  49 

Toledo,  11th  Council  of  116 

Tooting  (Totinges)  Nos.  .2,  21 

Torigny,  Robert  of  53,  59 

Totenhala  38,  40  f.,  168 

Tothill  41 

Tottenham  40 

Tout,  Prof.  No.  16 

Tovius  Ganet  No.  37 

treasurer  of  Westminster  45  f. 

Tunbridge  No.  26 

Tunge  No.  37 

Turaldus,  No.  8  ;  William  nepos  Turaldi 
No.  15 

Turkill,  monk  of  Westminster  27 
Turner,  Sir  Gregory  Page  35  n. 
Turoldus  dapifer  (de  Wochendona)  Nos. 

6,  36,  Radulphus  filius  eius  No.  6 
Turroc,  see  Godwin 
Turstin,  abp  of  York  164 

  monk  of  Westminster  27 

Tyburn  (Teoburnan)  168  £f. 

Urban,  bp  of  Glamorgan  26  n. 
Urse,  see  Abetdt 

Valognes,   Peter   de  39,   50  n.,   Nos.  9, 
17,  27 


Index 


179 


Valor  Ecclesiasticus  48 

de  Ver,  Aubrey  Xos.  39,  43 

 Geoffrey  No.  39 

Vesin,  the  14 

Vineyards  41,  44 

Vitalis,  abbot  of  Savigny  27 

  abbot  of  Westminster  1,  2G-S,  35, 

39,  46  f.,  Nos.  2-4,  17 

Wace,  Roman  de  Rou  17 
Waletona  iuxta  Mordon'  No.  3 
Walkelin,  bp  of  Winchester  Nos.  2  f.,  5, 

9,  16,  27 
Wallef  comes  No.  2 
Wallingford,  Honor  of  17 
Walter  the  Deacon,  children  of  No.  6 
Waltham  (parva)  Nos.  6  f.,  36 
Ware's  Customary,  abbot,  see  Customary 
Warenne,  see  W^illiam 
Warner,  monk  of  Westminster  31,  33 
Warwick,  Henry,  earl  of  Nos.  4  f.,  26 
Watecumba  No.  6 
Watling  Street  168  f. 
Webb,  Mr  C.  C.  J.  .51  n. 
Wenyngton  (Winetona)  41,  49,  No.  31 
Wesmam  No.  3 

Westminster  1,  10-2,  Nos.  4  f.,  18,  26, 
38  f.  ;  councils  at  21,  29,  67,  No.  18 ; 
consecration  of  bps  at  25-6,  No.  37 ; 
in  Domesday  39^0  ;  the  berewic  of  38- 
41,  167  ;  King's  street  35 

  Titulus  sancti  Petri  Westm'  27  ;  cells 

of  32-4  ;  exemption  and  sanctuary  36-7  ; 
extenta  conventusWestm' ,  and  jirmae  41-4  ; 
properties  of  44-50,  168  ;  administration 
of  the  abbey,  see  ahnonry,  bailiff,  cel- 
larer, chamberlain,  infirmarer,  kitchener, 
steward,  treasurer ;  the  abbot's  house- 
hold 30 

  building  at   30,   35-6,   No.   42  f. ; 

domus  elemosinaria  pp.  30,  38  ;  cloister 
35,  refectory  65,  St  Nicholas'  chapel  31, 
St  Katharine's  chapel  21,  25,  No.  43 

  abbots    of,    see    Edwin,  Geoffrey, 

Gervase,  Gilbert  Crispin,  Herbert,  Lau- 
rence, Ealph,  Vitalis,  William  Postard, 
Wulnoth  ;  priors  of,  see  Osbert,  Robert ; 
monks  of  27,  31  f.,  33-4,  38,  45,  49, 
62,  68,  No.  4,  number  of  monks  30 

  the    Westminster    Domesday,  see 

Domesday 
Wethered,  Rev  F.  T.  33,  No.  6 
"VVhatley  (Wateleya)  41,  49  f..  No.  8 


Wich  No.  27 
Wileye  161 

Wilkins,  Concilia  7n.,  28  n. 

William  I,  the  Conqueror  1  f.,  5,  7  f.,  14, 
16  n.,  17,  19  f.,  22,  2.5,  29  n.,  33,  37-9, 
46,  97-9,  105,  Nos.  1-6,  9-12,  18  f.,  21, 
35  ;  first  charter  of  pp.  46  n.,  47,  49  n., 
158,  165;  Telligraphus  No.  2,  4 

  n,  Rufus  17,  20,  35,  44,  48,  66  f., 

158,  165,  Nos.  4f.,  9-12,  14,  16-8,  20, 
26  f. 

  son   of    Henry  I    126,   160,  164, 

No.  24 

  the  chamberlain  Nos.  4,    17,  20, 

27,  39 

  of  Champeaux  61 

  abbot  of  Cormeilles  15,  103 

  of  Dijon  1 

  of  St  Carileph,  bp  of  Durham  29  n., 

Nos.  4f.,  9,  10 
  Warelwast,  bp  of  Exeter  23,  No. 

26 

  of  Jumieges,  Historia  Normannorum 

59 

  of  Malmesbury  66 

  abp  of  Rouen  15 

  comes  de  Wareuna  164 

  Postard,  abbot  of  Westminster  46 

  monk  of  Westminster  31,  38 

  Giffai-d,  bp  of  Winchester  23,  26  n., 

164,  Nos.  9,  18,  20  f. 
  clericus  No.  27 

  the  abbot's  chamberlain  30,  No. 

37 

  the  abbot's  chaplain  30,  No.  37 

  Germinus  No.  37 

  frater  Turoldi  No.  8 

Wilson,  Canon  J.  M.  43 
Wimund  de  Blaugeo  No.  6 
Winchester  20,   Nos.    5,   10,   18,    21  f.  ; 
Domesday  book  at  No.  35  ;  bps  of,  see 
Walkelin,  William  Giffard 
Windsor  (Windlesores)  29  n.,  49  n.,  159, 

164,  Nos.  12,  17,  19,  '28 
Withburga,  St  31 
Wix  priory  No.  6 
Wochendon  Nos.  6,  36 

  Geoffrey  of  No.  6 

Wokendune  49  n. 

Woodstock  46  (Odestocam),  No.  42 
Worcester,  priory  of  42  n.,  43;  bp  of  34, 

see  Teolwold,  Wulstan 
Worcestershire  39,  43,  49,  No.  28 


180 

Wrdesfelde  33  n. 

Wulfric,  the  king's  mone3'er  34 

  Bordewayte  38 

Wulfwold,  abbot  of  Chertsey  No.  3 
Wulnoth,  abbot  of  Westminster  36 


Index 

Wulstan,  bp  of  Worcester  27,  31 

York  38 ;  abps  of,  see  Gerard,  Roger, 
Thomas  II,  Turstin ;  precentor  of,  see 
Hugh 


CAMBRIDGE  :    PRINTED  BY  JOHN  CLAY,   M.A.  AT  THE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


NOTES  AND  DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO 
WESTMINSTER  ABBEY 

No.   1.     The  Manuscripts  of  Westminster  Abbey.     By  J. 

Armitage  Robinson,  D.D.,  Dean  of  Westminstei',  and  M.  R.  James,  Litt.D., 
Provost  of  King's  College,  Cambridge.    Royal  8vo.    pp.  viii-J-108.    5s.  net. 

"  The  Library  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  Westminster  contains  now 
but  a  small  batch  of  manuscripts,  and  these  have  for  the  most  part  no 
connexion  with  Westminster  Abbey.  They  represent  however  the  last  of 
three  quite  distinct  collections,  of  which  the  first  was  dispersed  or  destroyed 
at  the  dissolution  of  the  mimastery,  and  the  second  perished  by  fire  in  1694. 
It  so  happens  that  of  both  these  earlier  collections  a  considerable  amount  of 
evidence  is  preserved  in  various  quarters. 

The  Westminster  Muniments  contain  a  good  deal  of  scattered  information 
as  to  the  care  of  books  both  in  monastic  times  and  in  the  later  period,  and 
this  has  been  drawn  together  here  as  a  small  contribution  to  the  history  of 
the  Abbey. 

The  division  of  responsibility  for  this  little  book  is  indicated  by  the 
initials  in  the  table  of  contents.  The  Dean  and  Chapter  are  under  a  great 
obligation  to  the  Provost  of  King's  for  having  placed  his  unrivalled  experience 
in  these  matters  at  their  disposal.  They  hope  that  this  may  be  the  first  of 
a  series  of  studies  bearing  on  the  history  of  the  Church  of  which  it  is 
their  high  privilege  to  be  the  guardians."  Preface 

No.  2.    The  History  of  Westminster  Abbey  by  John  Flete. 

Edited  by  J.  Armitage  Robinson,  D.D.    Royal  8vo.    pp.  viii  +  152.  bs.net. 

"  The  only  medieval  writer  who  has  attempted  a  history  of  Westminster 
Abbey  is  John  Flete,  a  monk  of  the  house  from  1420  to  1465.  Sulcard 
indeed,  nearly  four  centuries  earlier,  wrote  its  story,  then  for  the  most  part 
legendary,  in  the  days  of  William  the  Conqueror.  Widmore,  three  centuries 
after  Flete,  availed  himself  of  Flete's  labours,  and  also  diligently  investigated 
the  treasures  of  the  Muniment  Room  :  he  compiled  a  history,  accurate, 
judicious  and  concise,  which  has  been  the  foundation  of  all  subsequent  work. 

The  present  edition  is  an  attempt  to  do  tardy  justice  to  a  writer,  who, 
though  he  displays  no  graces  of  style  and  not  the  most  rudimentary  sense  of 
humour,  has  devoted  vast  pains  to  his  task,  has  copied  actual  documents  in 
attestation  of  his  statements,  and  refrains  from  guessing  where  he  can  find 
no  evidence. 

To  have  accompanied  this  edition  with  adequate  notes  would  have  meant 
an  indefinite  postponement  of  its  publication,  and  would  have  demanded  an 
intimate  acquaintance  with  monastic  institutions  to  which  the  present  editor 
can  make  no  claim.  A  trustworthy  text  is  the  first  and  immediate  need. 
This  is  what  is  here  attempted.  Some  introductory  remarks  deal  with  the 
growth  of  the  legend  of  the  consecration  of  the  Church  by  St  Peter  '  in  the 
spirit ' ;  with  the  authenticity  of  some  royal  charters  and  papal  bulls ;  with 
the  relics  and  indulgences,  the  effigies  of  the  Norman  abbots,  and  the  ancient 
tapestries  of  the  choir."    Extract  from  Preface 

Cambridge  University  Press 
London :  Fetter  Lane,  E.G. 
C.  F.  Clay,  Manager 


DATE  DUE 


CAYLOKO 


